Monday, October 16, 2017

The Golden Sword of Marian Apocalypse (continued 9)



King Jehoshaphat and the Levite singers lead the army out of Jerusalem

Part Twenty Three: Jehoshaphat and Jehoram
(i): Jehoshaphat and Velikovsky
 


by
 
Damien F. Mackey
 
 
  
“Besides the Scriptures and the el-Amarna tablets, two other sources relate to the time of
King Jehoshaphat: the stele of King Mesha of Moab and the inscriptions of the Assyrian king, Shalmaneser III. These relics, too, and not the Bible alone, must correspond to the contents of the el-Amarna letters, if it is true that Egyptian history must be revised and moved forward more than half a thousand years”.
 
Dr. I. Velikovsky, “Ages in Chaos”, I, p. 229.
 
 
 
 
 
Velikovsky more right than wrong
 
More right than the conventional system, that is, to the tune of “more than half a thousand years”. This means that Velikovsky’s general re-location of the El Amarna [EA] era as follows (ibid.):   
 
“According to my chronological scheme, the letters of el-Amarna, sent and received by Amenhotep III and Akhnaton, were written, not in 1410 to 1370 as is generally accepted, but in 870 to 840, at the time of King Jehoshaphat in Jerusalem.
…. If this theory is correct, among the tablets of the el-Amarna collection we should expect to find letters written by the royal scribes, skilled in cuneiform, in the name of the Israelite kings of Jerusalem and of Samaria.
The most prolific writer of letters among the princes and chiefs was the king of Sumur (Samaria). About sixty letters of his are preserved, fifty-four of them addressed to the king of Egypt. The pharaoh even wrote to him: "Thou writest to me more than all the regents".” [,]
 
is correct, even if he may since have been found out regarding some of his details, e.g. “Sumur” was not Samaria, nor do his many letters (about 64) tend to specify to whom and to where they were sent. Thus:
 
EA 75: Rib-addi spoke to his lord, the King of Lands ….
EA 79: Rib-Addi says to his lord, the King of Lands, the Great King, the King of Battle ….
EA 122: Ribadda of the city of Gebal to his Lord the King of many lands, the prosperous king … the King my Lord … my Sun ….
 
We have already discussed the fact that the letters of Lab’ayu; Mut Baal; the woman Baalat Neše; and Abdi-hiba, also fail to mention any pharaoh.
 
On pp. 234-235, Velikovsky, the Time Lord, would boldly state with which EA characters he was intending to identify the biblical kings:
 
“At this point in the discussion, should my identification of Abdi-Hiba with Jehoshaphat, Rib-Addi with Ahab, and Ben-Hadad with Abdi-Ashirta seem arbitrary, I shall be pleased: in the hall of history, crowded with throngs of men from many centuries, I point straightway to certain figures bearing names entirely different from those of the persons we are looking for; they are even said to belong to an age separated by six centuries from the time of the persons we are seeking. Even before I have investigated the persons thus without apparent justification singled out, I shall insist on the identification.
The searching rod in my hand is the rod of time measurement: I reduce by six centuries the age of Thebes and el-Amarna, and I find King Jehoshaphat in Jerusalem, Ahab in Samaria, Ben-Hadad in Damascus. If my rod of time measurement does not mislead me, they are the kings who reigned in Jerusalem, Samaria, and Damascus in the el-Amarna period”.
 
Once again, Velikovsky was basically correct. Far more so than were the conventional historians. But I believe that the “Glasgow school” modification of Ages in Chaos in the late 1970’s was necessary to make more precise, to modify, Velikovsky’s brilliant insight.
Most assuredly the goodly King Jehoshaphat of Judah was contemporaneous with EA, but he was not Abdi-hiba of Urusalim (Jerusalem). His son, Jehoram, would be found to fit better Abdi-hiba.
And Velikovsky had to do some real damage to Scripture, and to geography, to make King Ahab become the prolific EA correspondent, Rib-Addi of Gubla (Byblos).
I have argued that King Ahab was, instead, EA’s Lab’ayu.
 
Many revisionists (some of whom would later change their minds) have accepted Velikovsky’s Abdi-ashirta as Ben-Hadad I. So, too, have I.  










Part Twenty Three: Jehoshaphat and Jehoram
(ii): King Jehoshaphat’s Captains

  

A further striking correlation between the Old Testament and El Amarna [EA], revised, that Velikovsky claimed to have discovered, was between King Jehoshaphat of Judah’s captain, “son of Zichri”, and EA’s “son of Zuchru”.

 

Jehoshaphat of Judah, a king much blessed by Yahweh, was able to boast a formidable army, about which we read in 2 Chronicles 17:12-18:

 

“Jehoshaphat became more and more powerful; he built forts and store cities in Judah and had large supplies in the towns of Judah. He also kept experienced fighting men in Jerusalem. Their enrollment by families was as follows:

 

From Judah, commanders of units of 1,000:

 

Adnah the commander, with 300,000 fighting men;

 next, Jehohanan the commander, with 280,000;

next, Amasiah son of Zichri, who volunteered himself for the service of the Lord, with 200,000.

 

From Benjamin:

 

Eliada, a valiant soldier, with 200,000 men armed with bows and shields;

next, Jehozabad, with 180,000 men armed for battle”.

 

We have had reason previously (e.g. in the case of “Zerah the Ethiopian”), though, to reconsider such large military numbers, with the Hebrew text allowing for a different, more reasonable, translation - that key word alef אָלֶף here figuring again in the case of King Jehoshaphat’s army.

 

In the Velikovskian archive we read this (https://www.varchive.org/ce/assuruballit.htm):

 

“ONE VS. MANY LINKS

 

But if it were only a matter of evaluating my dating of the el-Amarna letters contra the conventional dating, we would use names alone. The list of identified persons in the el-Amarna letters in chapters of the Scriptures of the time of the middle of the ninth century, as presented in Ages in Chaos, is imposing. Among those names mentioned in both the letters and in the books of Kings and Chronicles are such unusual ones as Jehozabad, Adaja, Ben Zichri, Biridri, and many more. And is it little that, from five generals of king Jehoshaphat named by the Scriptures, four of them signed their letter by the very same names and one is referred to by his name?

 

Captains of Jehoshaphat
el-Amarna correspondents
Adnah (II Chr. 17:14)
Addudani (EA 292)
Son of Zichri (II Chr. 17:16)
Son of Zuchru (EA 334, 335)
Jehozabab (II Chr. 17:18)
Iahzibada (EA 275)
Adaia (II Chr. 23:1)
Addaia (EA 285, 287, 289)

 

Not only personal names, but dozens of parallels are found between the texts of those tablets and the scriptural narrative in the books of Kings and Chronicles, and also between them and the Assyrian texts of the ninth century. Events—down to the smallest details—were illuminated in the chapters dealing with el-Amarna: actions, wars, sieges, a seven-year famine, and geographical names were compared.

 

Although the el-Amarna correspondence covers only a few decades at the most, the many details that could be and have been brought to comparison lend an unshakeable support to the reconstruction of the larger period covering the time from the end of the Middle Kingdom to the time of the Ptolemies in Egypt, a span of twelve hundred years. Therefore, a single name, even were it to appear in the king lists and in the letters, would not amount to much without any support from the entire sum of evidence”.

 

Regarding Velikovsky’s intriguing connections for this era, I have written on a previous occasion:

 

“Velikovsky had discovered other striking correspondences as well between the supposed C14th BC history and the C9th BC biblical history, none more stunning, perhaps, than the “Son of Zuchru” [EA 334, 335] and the “Son of Zichri” (2 Chronicles 17:16).

Indeed, Velikovsky thought that the EA letters actually listed three of the military captains of king Jehoshaphat of Judah as given in vv. 14-18, namely, Addudani/Addadani = Adna [and Ada-danu mentioned by Shalmaneser III]; son of Zuchru; and Iahzibada = Iehozabad.

The fact that revisionists have since been able to establish such a host of convincing parallels between EA and the Divided Kingdom of Israel is sure proof, I think, of the correctness of Velikovsky’s radical re-setting of the conventional C14th BC era, even though Velikovsky’s actual theses therein have often needed to be modified, or, in some cases, thrown out”.

 

However, one always has to check thoroughly Velikovsky’s claims.

Eric Aitchison has done so in his book, Revisiting Velikovsky: An Audit of an Innovative Revisionist Attempt. He is highly critical of Velikovsky’s reconstruction of Adna-Addudani, for instance.

And, regarding the “son of Zichri”, which has been a favourite one of mine, Eric has written:

 

“Zuchru

 

This thirdcaptain” is dealt with on page 241 [of Ages in Chaos, I] using EA letters 334 and 335. Velikovsky opens his claim by advising that the same words, “Protect the cities of the king which are in thy care”, as were written to Adda-danu, were written to the son “of Zuchru”. Finding proof of that statement is a problem. Three times this pharaonic instruction is mentioned by Adda-danu. It is nowhere mentioned in the one extant letter that contains the word Zuchru.

EA 334 is the last of the four letters not considered by Giles. He does however bracket letters 333 - 335 as being from the reign of Amenhotep III. EA 334 in the Moran translation has the following.

 

“Message Lost”. “[Sa]y [t]o the kin[g], my lord; Message of [….] … Zuhra. […] …”

 

This information is hardly inspirational enough to build thereon an argument to link a less than high profile Zicri or Zuchru from the Bible. This Zichri (Zicri) is mentioned twelve times in the Old Testament.

….

there is one reference to Zicri in the times of Ahab/Jehoshaphat. But what information do the el Amarna letters give us? This word, Zuhra, the closest letters to Zichri is given as a town, “site uncertain” by Moran at page 392”.

 

Emmet Sweeney (in Empire of Thebes, Or, Ages in Chaos Revisited), whilst also pointing out imprecision on the part of Velikovsky in this same case, will nevertheless conclude enthusiastically in Velikovsky’s favour (p. 87):

 

Here Velikovsky jumps a little bit ahead of himself. The man of the Amarna Letter is not called “son of Zuchru”; he is simply someone, whose name is missing, “of Zuchru”. Nevertheless, since Zuchru is not the name of a town or a country, the missing words must, as Velikovsky assumes, be “son of”. So, the identification is absolutely valid; and this is surely one of the strongest pieces of evidence in the whole of Ages in Chaos!”

 

On another of Velikovsky’s proposed captains, EA’s Iahzibada, Sweeney writes (loc. cit.):

 

“There was another military commander from southern Palestine who wrote regularly to the pharaoh. This was Iahzibada, a man identified by Velikovsky with Jehoshaphat's captain Jehozabad (Iehozabad). The names, indeed, are identical, and, given the fact that the biblical Jehozabad was a chief in the land of Benjamin, which is southern Palestine (2 Chronicles 17:17-18), the identification of the two men seems virtually certain.

It should be noted, before going on, that Knudtzon placed the letters of Addadani, the son of Zuchru and Iahzibada next to the letters of the king of Jerusalem”.





Part Twenty Three: Jehoshaphat and Jehoram
(iii): King Jehoram as EA’s Abdi-hiba



Who was this Abdi-Hiba [Heba] of Jerusalem, and when did he live?


 


Introduction


 
With the inadequacies of the Sothic dating upon which the conventional Egyptian chronology has been based (and to which the other nations have been tied) now laid bare, e.g.:


 




 


 
and also
 


 




 


and the ground thus cleared for the raising of a scientific chronological model that is not based upon artificial a priori assumptions, revisionist scholars have been able to re-assess the abundant El Amarna [EA] archive to re-determine its proper historical location.


One of the EA correspondents who has aroused special interest, owing to the mention of Jerusalem (Urusalim) in connection with him, is the king of that city, Abdi-Hiba (Abdi-Heba), the author of six letters (EA 285-290) (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdi-Heba):


 


Abdi-Hiba was the author of letters EA 285-290.[9]


 


1.          EA 285—title: "The soldier-ruler of Jerusalem"


2.          EA 286—title: "A throne granted, not inherited"


3.          EA 287—title: "A very serious crime"'


4.          EA 288—title: "Benign neglect"


5.          EA 289—title: "A reckoning demanded"


6.          EA 290—title: "Three against one"'[9]


 


{None of these letters, by the way, personally names a pharaoh.


 


Who was this Abdi-Hiba of Jerusalem, and when did he live?


We know at least who were his pharaonic contemporaries. As I have previously written about EA in a general fashion:


 


The Egyptians


 


Identifying the EA pharaohs is the easiest … challenge as it is almost universally agreed that Amenhotep III and Akhnaton are those who are referred to in the EA correspondence by their throne names, respectively, of Nimmuria (i.e. Nebmare, Nb-m3't-R') and Naphuria (i.e. Neferkheprure, Nfr-hprw-R'). These two pharaohs, having been Sothically dated to the late C15th-early C14th BC, are - from a biblical perspective - usually considered by historians to have pre-dated the arrival of the Israelites in the Promised Land - or at least to have coincided with their arrival there. Thus it is common to read that the habiru rebels who feature prominently in the EA letters were either the Hebrews of the time of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, or perhaps the newly arrived Hebrews (Israelites) under Joshua. ….


 


But To Which Era Do Revisionists


Re-Locate EA’s Abdi-Hiba?


 


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


…. two … pieces of evidence in EA letters 285-290 … determine the historical terminus a quo for king Abdi-Hiba: namely, the mention of Jerusalem; and the mention of Beth Shulman (“House of Solomon”).


-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


 


We ourselves, set completely free as we are from Sothic theory, are able to begin to zone in on the correct era of Abdi-Hiba, and we are going to find that it is nothing like what the conventional text books say about this king as a ruler of Jerusalem in the mid 1300’s BC, and probably, therefore, corresponding with pharaoh Amenhotep III. In terms of biblical correlation, the era of Abdi-Hiba would be considered to approximate to the Judges period, some would say to the time of Joshua (as said above). Thus (http://www.biblehistory.net/newsletter/joshua.htm):


 


The Bible states in Joshua 10:26 that Joshua defeated these kings, captured them and killed them, including the king of Jerusalem, Adoni-Zedek.


It is very likely that Abdi-Heba and Adoni-Zedek are one [and] the same man. The reason being is that “Adoni-Zedek” is a title rather [than] the actual name of the king. Adoni-Zedek means the “Lord of Zedek,” similar to the name Melchi-Zedek which means “Prince of Zedek,” who was the ruler of Salem according to Genesis 14:18. The Hebrews would have associated this title with the prince of Salem, an early name for the city of Jerusalem.


So the letters written by Abdi-Heba, trying to stop the advancing Hebrews [sic], were likely written by either Adoni-Zedek, mentioned in Joshua 10:1, or Adoni-Bezek, another king mentioned in Judges 1:7 who was defeated by Joshua and buried in Jerusalem.


The letters from Abdi-Heba seem to have been written to either Amenhotep II or Amenhotep III. Since one of the letters from Abdi-Heba mentions that the pharaoh, whom he was requesting help from, had conquered the land of Naharaim and the land of Cush, this would likely point to Amenhotep II who indeed had military campaigns against both these countries.


 


Evidences would suggest that a Joshuan alignment with the EA Pharaohs is not sustainable. For, two such pieces of evidence in EA letters 285-290 that spring to mind determine the historical terminus a quo for king Abdi-Hiba: namely, the mention of Jerusalem; and the mention of Beth Shulman (“House of Solomon”). In other words, the conventional scenario, and any other that would locate the reign of Abdi-Hiba in Jerusalem to a period ante-dating kings David and Solomon, are immediately to be cancelled out as having historical validity (and that even apart from the ramifications of Sothic theory).


That means that Dr. Velikovsky’s revision, in which he chronologically re-locates Abdi-Hiba - along with Nimmuria and Naphuria - to the early period of Israel’s Divided Monarchy (about half a millennium after the Joshua/Judges period), is not to be cancelled out at least by our ‘two pieces of evidence’.


 


(i)                 Dr. Immanuel Velikovsky’s Pioneering Effort


 


In Velikovsky’s firm opinion, Abdi-Hiba was to be identified with king Jehoshaphat of Judah. He, reflecting later upon this choice, commented (https://www.varchive.org/ce/sultemp.htm): “In Ages in Chaos (chapters vi-viii) I deal with the el-Amarna letters; there it is shown that the king of Jerusalem whose name is variously read Ebed-Tov, Abdi-Hiba, etc. was King Jehoshaphat (ninth century)”.


In this same article, Velikovsky made a most significant discovery towards re-setting his revised EA period to the approximate time of King Solomon:


 


The Šulmán Temple in Jerusalem



 


In the el-Amarna letters No. 74 and 290 there is reference to a place read (by Knudtzon) Bet-NIN.IB. In Ages in Chaos, following Knudtzon, I understood that the reference was to Assyria (House of Nineveh).(1) I was unaware of an article by the eminent Assyriologist, Professor Jules Lewy, printed in the Journal of Biblical Literature under the title: “The Šulmán Temple in Jerusalem.”(2)


From a certain passage in letter No. 290, written by the king of Jerusalem to the Pharaoh, Lewy concluded that this city was known at that time also by the name “Temple of Šulmán.” Actually, Lewy read the ideogram that had much puzzled the researchers before him.(3) After complaining that the land was falling to the invading bands (habiru), the king of Jerusalem wrote: “. . . and now, in addition, the capital of the country of Jerusalem — its name is Bit Šulmáni —, the king’s city, has broken away . . .”(4) Beth Šulmán in Hebrew, as Professor Lewy correctly translated, is Temple of Šulmán. But, of course, writing in 1940, Lewy could not surmise that the edifice was the Temple of Solomon and therefore made the supposition that it was a place of worship (in Canaanite times) of a god found in Akkadian sources as Shelmi, Shulmanu, or Salamu.


The correction of the reading of Knudtzon (who was uncertain of his reading) fits well with the chronological reconstruction of the period. In Ages in Chaos (chapters vi-viii) I deal with the el-Amarna letters; there it is shown that the king of Jerusalem whose name is variously read Ebed-Tov, Abdi-Hiba, etc. was King Jehoshaphat (ninth century). It was only to be expected that there would be in some of his letters a reference to the Temple of Solomon.


Also, in el-Amarna letter No. 74, the king of Damascus, inciting his subordinate sheiks to attack the king of Jerusalem, commanded them to “assemble in the Temple of Šulmán.”(5)


It was surprising to find in the el-Amarna letters written in the fourteenth century that the capital of the land was already known then as Jerusalem (Urusalim) and not, as the Bible claimed for the pre-Conquest period, Jebus or Salem.(6) Now, in addition, it was found that the city had a temple of Šulmán in it and that the structure was of such importance that its name had been used occasionally for denoting the city itself. (Considering the eminence of the edifice, “the house which king Solomon built for the Lord”,(7) this was only natural.) Yet after the conquest by the Israelites under Joshua ben-Nun, the Temple of Šulmán was not heard of.


Lewy wrote: “Aside from proving the existence of a Šulmán temple in Jerusalem in the first part of the 14th century B.C., this statement of the ruler of the region leaves no doubt that the city was then known not only as Jerusalem, but also as Bet Šulmán.”—“It is significant that it is only this name [Jerusalem] that reappears after the end of the occupation of the city by the Jebusites, which the Šulmán temple, in all probability, did not survive.”


The late Professor W. F. Albright advised me that Lewy’s interpretation cannot be accepted because Šulmán has no sign of divinity accompanying it, as would be proper if it were the name of a god. But this only strengthens my interpretation that the temple of Šulmán means Temple of Solomon.


In the Hebrew Bible the king’s name has no terminal “n”. But in the Septuagint — the oldest translation of the Old Testament — the king’s name is written with a terminal “n”; the Septuagint dates from the third century before the present era. Thus it antedates the extant texts of the Old Testament, the Dead Sea Scrolls not excluded.


Solomon built his Temple in the tenth century. In a letter written from Jerusalem in the next (ninth) century, Solomon’s Temple stood a good chance of being mentioned; and so it was. ….


 


Though I cannot locate the exact reference at present, I recall a brief article pointing out that, contrary to Velikovsky, Beth Šulmán could not properly refer to the actual Temple of Solomon, since this edifice was always referred to as the Temple of Yahweh.


So, the better translation of the EA phrase is “House of Solomon”.


Now, that accords with contemporary usage, in that we have at least two documented references to the “House of David” (the Tell Dan and the Mesha Moabite Inscription, see André Lemaire’s “‘House of David” restored in Moabite Inscription”)


 


For a time, this equation of Abdi-Hiba = Jehoshaphat held as the standard amongst revisionists. However, the Glasgow School, in 1978, seriously re-assessed Velikovsky’s entire EA revision – with, as I believe, some outstanding results. This included a reconsideration of Velikovsky’s corresponding opinion that king Jehoshaphat of Judah’s contemporaneous ruler of Samaria, king Ahab of Israel, was to be identified with the prolific EA correspondent Rib-Addi.  


 


(ii)               The “Glasgow” School’s Modification of Velikovsky


 


The Glasgow Conference of 1978 gave rise to important contributions by scholars such as Martin Sieff; Geoffrey Gammon; John Bimson; and Peter James. These were able at the time, with a slight modification of Velikovsky’s dates, to re-set the latter’s revised EA period so that it sat more comfortably within its new C9th BC allocation. {Though, as to their pharaoh Akhnaton (Naphuria) now becoming a contemporary of king Jehoram of Judah (c. 848-841 BC, conventional dating) - and, hence, of the latter’s older contemporary Jehoram of Israel (c. 853-841 BC, conventional dating) - I would suggest that Jehoram of Judah’s contemporary pharaoh was still Amenhotep III}. Jehoram, rather than Velikovsky’s choice of Jehoshaphat (c. 870-848 BC, conventional dating) and of king Ahab of Israel (c. 874-853 BC, conventional dating).


James, faced with J. Day’s “Objections to the Revised Chronology” in 1975, in which the latter had raised this fundamental objection to Velikovsky’s identification of Abdi-Hiba with Jehoshaphat (ISG Newsletter 2, 9ff):


 


Velikovsky claims that Abdi-Hiba, king of Jerusalem, is to be equated with Jehoshaphat. Abdi-Hiba means ‘servant of Hiba’ - Hiba being the name of a Hittite goddess. Can one really believe that Jehoshaphat, whom the Old Testament praises for his loyalty to the Israelite god, could also have borne this name involving a Hittite goddess? [,]


 


plus James’s own growing belief that the lowering of the date of the EA letters (within a revised model) was demanded by “several chronological and other considerations ...”, arrived at his own excellent comparison of Abdi-Hiba with king Jehoram of Judah. I give only his conclusion here, with which I fully concur, whilst recommending that one reads James’s full comparisons (“The Dating of the El-Amarna Letters”, SIS Review, Vol. II, No. 3 (London, 1977/78), 84):


 


To sum up: the disasters that befell Jehoram of Judah and Abdi-Hiba of Jerusalem were identical. Both suffered revolts of their subject territories from Philistia to Edom. During the reign of both the Philistines invaded and swept right across Judah, entering Jerusalem itself, in concert with the sack of the king’s palace by “men of the land of Kaši” or men “that were near the Cushites”. These peculiar circumstances could hardly be duplicated in such detail after a period of five hundred years. It is clear that Velikovsky’s general placement of the el-Amarna letters in the mid-ninth century must be correct, and that the modification of his original model suggested here, that Abdi-Hiba was Jehoram rather than Jehoshaphat, is preferable.


 


Rib-Addi, for his part, could not have been king Ahab of Israel, Glasgow well determined. Velikovsky had been wrong in his proposing that the Sumur mentioned in relation to Rib-Addi (though not necessarily even his city, it has since been suggested) was Samaria, when Sumur is generally regarded as referring to Simyra, north of Byblos on the Syrian coast. 


 


David Rohl’s Intriguing Angle on EA


 


Whilst I fully accept the Glasgow School’s basic conclusions about Abdi-Hiba and Rib-Addi, those, generally, who had worked these out went on later to disown them completely. James would team up with David Rohl to devise a so-called New Chronology, that I find to be a kind of ‘No-Man’s-Land revision’ hovering awkwardly mid-way between convention land and real base. Rohl, in The Lost Testament, would re-locate EA back from Velikovsky’s Divided Monarchy, where (when modified) I think that it properly belongs, to the time of the Unified Monarchy of kings Saul and David. Rohl will, like Velikovsky, propose an EA identification for a king of Israel, but it will be for Saul rather than for the later king Ahab. According to Rohl, king Saul is to be identified with EA’s Labayu, generally considered to have been a local ruler in Canaan. And Rohl identifies David with the Dadua (“Tadua”) who is referred to in EA 256.


For Rohl, Abdi-Hiba is a Jebusite ruler of Jebus/Jerusalem.


Rohl is extremely competent and his reconstructions are generally most interesting to read. However his EA revision, locating Abdi-Hiba as it does as an early contemporary of David’s, who is defeated by the latter, cannot therefore discern in EA’s Beth Shulman any sort of reference to David’s son, Solomon. Moreover, Rohl’s revision may have difficulty accounting for the fact that the name Urusalim (Jerusalem) occurs in the letters of Abdi-Hiba, supposedly a Jebusite king ruling over Jebus, but apparently known to David as Jerusalem (I Chronicles 11:4).


 


Conclusion


 


Whilst the New Chronology is superficially impressive, it, based as it is upon rocky ground, fails to yield the abundant fruit that arises from the fertile soil of a modified Velikovskian EA. James’s erstwhile identification of EA’s Abdi-Hiba as king Jehoram of Jerusalem not only yields some impressively exact comparisons between these two, supposedly separate, historical characters, but it is also able to accommodate most comfortably (chronologically) those two EA evidences of Shulman (Solomon) and Urusalim (Jerusalem). Hence,


 


EA’s Abdi-Hiba = King Jehoram of Judah


 


is worthy to be regarded now as a firm pillar of the revised chronology, from which fixed standpoint one is able to generate a very convincing series of further correlations between EA and the particular biblical era. James has thereby provided the definitive answer to the questions that I posed earlier: Who was this Abdi-Hiba of Jerusalem, and when did he live?









Continued at next blog:











 





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