Thursday, October 17, 2024

Josephus on martyrdom of Apostle James

“The current scholarly consensus is that this text is authentic”. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ananus_ben_Ananus Josephus's account of the death of James as follows: Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; when, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the Sanhedrin of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a Sanhedrin without his consent. Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.[3] The current scholarly consensus is that this text is authentic.[4][5][6][7] Moreover, in comparison with Hegesippus's account of James's death in his Hypomnemata, scholars consider Josephus's to be the more historically reliable.[8] …. Josephus. "20.9.1". The Antiquities of the Jews. Van Voorst 2000, p. 83. Richard Bauckham states that although a few scholars have questioned this passage, "the vast majority have considered it to be authentic" (Bauckham 1999, pp. 199–203). Feldman & Hata 1987, pp. 54–57. Flavius Josephus & Maier 1995, pp. 284–285. Painter 2004, p. 126.

Friday, October 4, 2024

Paradigm shift in way Church views women

[Pope Francis] repeated his frequent refrain about women being the “fertile” nurturers who complement men, and that regardless “the church is woman.” …. Francis heard a similar call from the French-speaking campus, where students staged a reading of an articulated critique of his landmark environmental encyclical “Praised Be” in which they called for a “paradigm shift” in the way the church views women. They noted that the encyclical virtually ignores women, cites no female theologians and contributes to women’s “invisibility” in the church and society. Women have long complained they have a second-class status in the church, barred from the priesthood and positions of power despite doing the lion’s share of the work educating the young, caring for the sick and passing on the faith. Francis, an 87-year-old Argentine Jesuit, said he liked what they said. But he repeated his frequent refrain about women being the “fertile” nurturers who complement men, and that regardless “the church is woman.” We read at: https://www.vaticannews.va/en/pope/news/2024-03/pope-francis-highlights-womens-role-in-church-and-society.html#:~:text=%22The%20Church%20needs%20to%20keep,collaboration%20to%20achieve%20this%20goal. Pope Francis highlights women's role in Church and society Pope Francis addresses an international conference on women in the Church, and emphasises the importance of recognising women's contributions while calling for unity and education to promote women's rights and dignity. By Francesca Merlo In his address to the participants of the International Conference titled "Women in the Church: Builders of Humanity," Pope Francis extended a warm greeting to all attendees, expressing gratitude for their presence and the organisation of the event. "The Church needs to keep this in mind, because the Church is herself a woman: a daughter, a bride, and a mother," said the Pope. He highlighted the significance of recognising and valuing women's contributions within the people of God, and he called for unity, discernment, and collaboration to achieve this goal. The conference, which gathers individuals from all over the world, focuses on highlighting the exemplary holiness of ten women: Josephine Bakhita, Magdeleine de Jesus, Elizabeth Ann Seton, Mary MacKillop, Laura Montoya, Kateri Tekakwitha, Teresa of Calcutta, Rafqa Pietra Choboq Ar-Rayès, Maria Beltrame Quattrocchi, and Daphrose Mukasanga. Pope Francis underscored the significance of their charitable, educational, and prayerful initiatives, which exemplify the unique reflection of God's holiness through the feminine genius. "The contribution of women is more necessary than ever," emphasised Pope Francis, acknowledging the challenges of hatred, violence, and ideological conflicts in today's world. He spoke about the urgent need for women's contributions, which he said are characterised by tenderness and compassion, in order to foster unity and restore humanity's true identity. On the topic of education, Pope Francis commended the collaboration between the conference and various Catholic academic institutions. "Every effort to present students with testimonies of holiness, especially of feminine sanctity, can encourage them to aim higher," he said, stressing the importance of presenting role models to inspire future generations. Pope Francis concluded his address by highlighting the ongoing struggles faced by women worldwide, including violence, inequality, and injustice. He called for concerted efforts to address these issues, emphasizing the transformative power of education for girls and young women in promoting overall human development. Bringing his address to a close, Pope Francis entrusted the outcomes of the conference to the Lord and imparted his blessing upon the participants before urging continued commitment to the advancement of women's rights and dignity. …. “In this sense the Marian dimension of the Church is antecedent to that of the Petrine, without being in any way divided from it or being less complementary. The Immaculate Mary precedes all others, including obviously Peter himself and the Apostles”. Pope John Paul II The Marian and Petrine Principles Annual Address to Roman Curia H. H. John Paul II December 22, 1987 On Monday, 22 December, in the Clementine Hall of the Apostolic Palace, the Dean of the College of Cardinals, Cardinal Angelo Rossi, conveyed the Christmas greetings of the assembled cardinals and officials of the Roman Curia to the Holy Father, who delivered the following address in reply. Your Eminences, Revered Brothers in the Episcopate and Priesthood, My dearest Laity, I sincerely thank the Cardinal Dean for his greeting; he has interpreted your personal desires in this traditional and always pleasant gathering before Christmas. His message has focused our common attention on the particular significance which current circumstances contribute to our annual meeting. We meet near the Eve of Christmas in the Marian Year. Every year on this occasion we are moved by the expectation of him who is born in Bethlehem of the Immaculate Virgin Mary, and it is our mutual desire to experience as deeply as possible this central event of history by extending a welcome to the Incarnate Word. In this Marian Year our meeting has a special significance and brings a new emphasis to our Christmas reflection. The Marian Year, in fact, prepares us to approach Christ in this Advent of the third millennium in order to relieve the mystery of his Incarnation, following Mary who precedes us in this journey of faith. She was the first “minister” of the Word. As members of the Roman Curia we are conscious of serving the Mystery of the Incarnation from which the Church as a “Body” originated. In Mary, as St. Augustine noted: “the only-begotten Son of God was pleased to unite to himself human nature, so that to the immaculate head he associated the immaculate Church, (Serm 191.3; PL 38, 1010). From Mary is born Christ the Head who is indissolubly united to the Church, his Body. The “whole Christ” is born. As servants and ministers of this Mystical Body, daily nourished with the Eucharistic Body of Christ, we manifest this year the particular presence of the Mother of God in the Mystery of Christ and of the Church in which we are aware of participating in a particular manner. 2. We well understand that Vatican II effected a great synthesis between Mariology and ecclesiology. The Marian Year adheres to such a synthesis and conciliar inspiration so that the Church may be everywhere renewed through the presence of the Mother of God who, as the Fathers taught, is a model of the Church. The Council offers an enlightening interpretation of the presence of the Virgin in the divine plan of salvation. Because she is the instrument and privileged channel of the Incarnation of the Word in human nature and of his presence among us, Mary is “intimately united with the Church: the Mother of God is a figure of the Church, as Saint Ambrose had earlier taught, in the order of faith, of charity and of the perfect union with Christ” (Lumen Gentium, 63). Developing this teaching, I wrote in the Encyclical Redemptoris Mater: “ the reality of the Incarnation finds a sort of extension in the mystery of the Church – The Body of Christ. And one cannot think of the reality of the Incarnation without referring to Mary, the Mother of the Incarnate Word” (no. 5). Mary united to Christ, Mary united to the Church. And the Church united to Mary finds in her the most refined and perfect image of its own specific mission which is simultaneously virginal and maternal. The Fathers and the Teachers of the early Church have underlined this double aspect: for example, St. Augustine brilliantly comments, Hic est speciosus forma prae filiis hominum, sanctae filius Mariae, sanctiae sponsus Ecclesiae, quam suae genitriit similem redditit: nam et nobis eam matrem fecit, et virginem sibi custodit” (Serm 195.2; PL 38:1018). The Virgin Mary is the archetype of the Church because of the divine maternity; just like Mary, the Church must be, and wishes to be, mother and virgin. The Church lives in this authentic “Marian profile”, this “Marian dimension”; thus the Council, gathering together the patristic and theological voices, both eastern and western has noted this phenomenom: “The Church, moreover, contemplating Mary’s mysterious sanctity, imitating her charity, and faithfully fulfilling the Father’s will, becomes herself a mother by accepting God’s word in faith. For by her preaching and by baptism she brings forth to a new and immortal life, children who are conceived of the Holy Spirit and born of God. The Church herself is a virgin, who keeps whole and pure the fidelity she has pledged to her Spouse. Imitating the Mother of her Lord, and by the power of the Holy Spirit, she preserves with virginal purity and integral faith , a firm hope and sincere charity” (Lumen Gentium, 64). Sphere of divine grace 3. This Marian profile is also- even perhaps more so- fundamental and characteristic for the Church as is the apostolic and Petrine profile to which it is profoundly united. In this vision of the Church Mary precedes the People of God who are still pilgrims. Mary is she who, predestined to be the Mother of the Word, lived continuously and totally in the sphere of divine grace subject to its vivifying influence; she is the mirror and transparency of the life of God himself. Immaculate, “full of grace”, she was prepared by God for the Incarnation of the Word and was always under the Continuous action of the Holy Spirit: hers was the “yes” and the fiat par excellence to him who had chosen her “before the beginning of the world” (Eph 1:4). Such response was evident in the docility, the humility, the conformity to the least movement of grace which rendered her, we can say, mother in a twofold sense through conformity to God’s will: “who does the will of God is my mother” (cf. Mk 3:35). The divine maternity, that unique and sublime privilege of the ever-Virgin, must be seen in this perspective as the supreme glory of the fidelity of Mary in corresponding with grace. The Marian dimension of the Church is evident from the similarity of tasks in relation to the whole Christ. To this dimension, in fact, can be applied the word of Jesus: “whoever does the will of my Father is my brother, sister, and mother”, (Mk, ibid.). The Church, like Mary, lives by grace in submission to the Holy Spirit; according to his light the signs and necessities of the times are interpreted, and progress is accomplished in complete docility to the voice of the Spirit. In this sense the Marian dimension of the Church is antecedent to that of the Petrine, without being in any way divided from it or being less complementary. The Immaculate Mary precedes all others, including obviously Peter himself and the Apostles. This is so, not only because Peter and the Apostles, being born of the human race under the burden of sin, form part of the Church which is “holy with sinners:, but also because their triple function has no other purpose except to from the Church in line with the ideal of sanctity already programmed and prefigured in Mary. A contemporary theologian has well commented: “Mary is ‘Queen of the Apostles’ without any pretensions to apostolic powers: she has other and greater powers” (von Balthasar, Nette Klarstellungen, Ital. transl., Milan 1980, p. 181). In this context it is especially significant to note the presence of Mary in the Upper Room, where she assists Peter and the other Apostles, praying for and with them as all await the coming of the Spirit. This link between the two profiles of the Church, the Marian and the Petrine, is profound and complementary. This is so even though the Marian profile is anterior not only in design of God but also in time, as well being supreme and pre-eminent, richer in personal and communitarian implications for individual ecclesial vocations. In this light the Roman Curia lives and ought to live – all of us ought so to live. It is certain that the Curia is directly united to the Petrine office to whose service it is dedicated by office, constitution and mission. The Curia serves the Church as a Body; situated, one may say, at the apex, it offers its collaboration to the Successor of Peter in his service to the local Churches. In this activity, it is more necessary and indispensable to preserve and strengthen the Marian dimension in the service to Peter. Mary precedes those of us who are in the Curia where we serve the Mystery of the Word Incarnate, just as she precedes the whole Church for which we live. May she assist us to discover ever more fully and to live more authentically this richness, which for us, I would say, is vital and decisive. May Mary help us to participate more consciously in the symbiosis of the Marian and Petrine apostolic dimensions from which the Church daily draws orientation and sustenance. May attention to Mary and to her example bring us to a greater love, tenderness and docility to the voice of the Spirit, so that each one is more enriched interiorly with that dedication to the ministry of Peter. 4. In the light of the Marian Year as the central theme of our meeting, which continues the teaching Vatican II in presenting Mary as the guide of the People of God in their pilgrimage of faith, I would now like to underline some of the salient events of the year that is about to conclude: the Synod of bishops, the numerous beatifications and canonizations, and the visit of the Ecumenical Patriarch, Dimitrios I of Constantinople. In the first place the sessions of the Synod: two months have passed since the conclusion of its discussions and it is more and more evident that the interventions and labours of the Synodal Fathers have resulted in a global image of the Church – how she lives, works, prays, suffers, struggles, and adheres to Christ. The Synod has effectively offered the image of this People on pilgrimage on earth, and especially of that portion of the People of God, the laity, according to their specific characteristics. In their pilgrimage it is still the Mother who precedes her children as they seek “the kingdom of God in dealing with temporal affairs as they organize them according to God’s will in the ‘spirit of the Beatitudes’” (Lumen Gentium, 31). This Marian presence in the mission of the laity, in their journey of faith, is the line which clearly defines that great event. As time passes since the Synod of last October, the positive results become more evident, not alone in the reaffirmation of the teaching of the magnificent documents of Vatican Ii but more so because of the emphasis on the ecclesiology of communion as a necessary contest for situating the role of the laity in the Church for the salvation of the world. The laity themselves have co-operated in formulating this conclusion, in so far as the Synod Fathers represented the voice of the laity; furthermore, the laity themselves of both sexes entered actively by their conspicuous and qualified presence at the Synod where they spoke in the plenary sessions and collaborated effectively in the circuli minores. The result has been a truly universal overall view of the diverse realities that constitute the true image of the Church today. As with the preceding Synods, it shall be my duty to follow those unforgettable days. Meanwhile I am happy to underline in our present meeting how this richness and plurality of results is the evidence that the Church is truly open to the voice of the Spirit in her pilgrimage of faith and love, and is always conscious of her responsibility to God and before the world. Mary is present in this journey of the laity, to guide them a she guides us all towards the coming of Christ. Final destiny 5. Vatican II has demonstrated that in her who is the Mother of God the Church has reached her final destiny: “In the bodily and spiritual glory which she possesses in heaven, the Mother of Jesus continues in this present world as the image and first flowering of the Church as she is to be perfected in the life to come” (Lumen Gentium, 68). This affirmation reiterates what the dogmatic Constitution the Church had already expounded in chapter7: “the eschatological character of the pilgrim Church and its union with the heavenly church”, and chapter 5: “the universal vocation to holiness in the Church”. In the fullness of time Mary, in virtue of her immaculate conception, reunited in herself the salvific design of God that had been destroyed by sin. Assumed into heaven with her most holy body, which is the Ark of the new Covenant, she already reigns with Christ in the psycho-physical unity of her person. She is, therefore, after Christ, “the first-begotten of the dead (Rev. 1:5; Col 1:18). She is the one who precedes the Church in the journey towards the fulfillment of sanctity and awaits the completion that shall be total. However, with her there are also those who, awaiting the final resurrection, are already in heaven according to the judgement of the church. They have verified in themselves the plan of God and have reached that desired success of every human existence: “the complete, intimate union with Christ” (cf. Lumen Gentium, 49). Recalling the Queen of all Saints in this Marian Year I now wish to mention the two canonizations and eleven beatifications of this year. These numerous liturgical events of 1987 have demonstrated, perhaps more forcibly than usual, how real, true and actual is the Church’s universal call to holiness, and have given testimony to the ethnic-vocational plurality of such a call. The new saints and beati, in fact, belong to diverse vocations among the people of God. Among such we discover: Cardinals, as Marcello Spinola y Maestre (29 March) and Andrea Carlo Ferrari (10 May): bishops, as Michal Kozal (14 June) and Jurgis Matulaitis (28 June); priests and brothers, as Manuel Domingo y Sol (29 March), Rupert Mayer (3 May) and Jules Arnould Reche (1 Nov.); women religious, as Teresa de los Andes (3April), Benedetta Cambiagio Frassinelli (10 May), Ulrika Nisch and BlandinaMerten (1 Nov.); laity of both sexes, as Lorenzo Ruiz (18 Oct.), Giuseppe Moscati (25 Oct. ), and many others all professions and occupations, even the most humble. It is a witness given in the most diverse circumstances, i.e. as pastors and ministers of the Church, as medical doctors, as educators and evangelizers. Often such witness was rendered in the most arduous circumstances, such as by martyrdom antonomastically so called as in the case of three Carmelite Sisters of Guadalajara (29 March), Edith Stein (1 May) and Karolina Kozka (10 June), Marcel Callo, Pierina Morosini and Antonia Mesina (4 Oct.), the 16 martyrs of Japan (18 Oct.), and the eighty-five English martyrs (22 Nov.). Again, many of the new saints and beati lived in our century: they are contemporaries. In reality, the saints are in our midst and they demonstrate that even today the Church is called to sanctity and responds generously under the inspiration and guidance of Mary. Furthermore, the saints and beati belong to diverse nations of different continents: thus the canonizations and beatifications attest to the universal significance even when viewed geographically. From this point of view I regard it as a special grace of the Lord to have been able to propose for the veneration of the church, as desired by repeated requests of the local bishops, come champions of the faith in the locality where they lived. I did this during some of the apostolic journeys of this year: Sister Teresa de los Andes at Santiago, Chile (3 April); Sister Benedicta of the Cross, at Cologne (1 May); Father Mayer at Munich (3 May); Karolina Kozka, at Tarnow (10 June); and Mons. Kozal at Warsaw (14 June). The ever-increasing possibility of publicly proclaiming the heroic sanctity of the sons and daughters of the Church in the course of my visits to various countries of the world confirms me in the belief that such journeys constitute a particular service to the People of God on its pilgrimage, precisely that pilgrimage towards the definitive Kingdom of God, in which Mary “precedes” the Church in various places on earth. Since the journeys are, with God’s help, the contemporary application of the mandate of Christ – “go therefore into the whole world” (Mk 16:15) – and also and explicit consequence of the Petrine ministry, “confirm your brothers” (Lk 22:32), they afford a greater spiritual and intellectual irradiation of the office that is so sublime and solemn, by proposing for the imitation of the Church the authentic exemplars of sanctity proper to it. Such saintly individuals are proof before the world that holiness is possible for all people, in every civilization and in all climates. 6. Following the path of the Council, the encyclical Redemptoris Mater underlined the “pilgrimage” aspect of the Church, in which the Mother of God “precedes”, and as such has ecumenical overtones. ….

Wednesday, September 18, 2024

Medjugorje and the flow of Grace

“All grace flows from the Catholic Church’s sacramental life. Grace never flows from frauds and deceptions, nor from anything that is false. In places of false apparitions grace completely bypasses the ‘apparitions’ as they can never be a ‘causa instrumentalis’ of grace”. Frits Albers and Frank Calneggia Taken from: https://www.catholicculture.org/culture/library/view.cfm?recnum=7627 Medjugorje and the Flow of Grace by Frits Albers, PH.B., Frank Calneggia Description This article explains that exterior manifestations of grace do not prove the authenticity of apparitions, because the Church is really the source of all grace. Publisher & Date The Australian Marian Academy of the Immaculate Conception …. Part I One can readily admit to the flow of grace at Medjugorje. Adherents and promoters are quick to point to the usual signs of grace: confessions, conversions, and the practice of prayer and penance. If apparitions are authentic, that is, if they possess a supernatural origin they come from God. Therefore authentic apparitions, such as Lourdes and Fatima, may be called a ‘causa instrumentalis’ (instrumental cause) of grace. If apparitions are false, that is, if they do not possess a supernatural origin they do not come from God. False apparitions may appear to be associated with the flow of grace; but by rights this grace belongs to the Holy Catholic Church because this Church is the source of all grace going out through the whole world due to the presence of the Blessed Sacrament within her. All grace flows from the Catholic Church’s sacramental life. Grace never flows from frauds and deceptions, nor from anything that is false. In places of false apparitions grace completely bypasses the ‘apparitions’ as they can never be a ‘causa instrumentalis’ of grace. This means that God never uses false apparitions as instruments of grace. Consequently the first thing that must be stated, and which must be rigorously maintained, is that the exterior manifestations of grace do not prove the authenticity of apparitions! Grace can flow if the apparitions are either true or false because the sacramental life of the Church can be present anywhere on earth completely independent of apparitions. Vatican II states, in Lumen Gentium, that “the grains of truth and holiness found outside the visible confines of the Catholic Church rightly belong to the Church of Christ and possess an inner dynamism to Catholic unity” (#8). If apparitions are false they are automatically outside the Church, then the “grains of truth and holiness” found in these places of fraud and deception do not belong to, or come from, the deception! These “grains of truth and holiness”, according to the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, belong directly to the Holy Catholic Church. As stated above, they belong to her sacramental life. It is because of this that these grains of truth and sanctification “possess an inner dynamism to Catholic unity”. That is, they possess an inner dynamism away from the deception and toward obedience to the teaching and authority of the Catholic bishop in charge of investigating the ‘apparitions’. If the inner urge of grace towards Catholic-unity-in-obedience (working, as we saw, whether the apparitions are true or false) is blocked in any way by private, personal and subjective convictions and attitudes (which is often the case when people attribute the flow of grace to false apparitions), then grace is thwarted and becomes ineffective. This, of course, is a very serious matter. It is highly presumptuous to attribute grace to false apparitions no matter how tempting this might be. It is a sobering thought to realise that presumption in the area of God’s grace and mercy is one of the sins against the Holy Spirit and for that reason is a serious obstacle to grace. Grace thus blocked and rendered ineffective will not produce the fruits of holiness and truth God meant it to produce when He bestowed it through the sacramental life of the Church. In other words, the conversions would then only be apparent and exterior. Such conversions lack that inner drive to unity-in-obedience, and would not have a lasting effect until the blockage is removed. The same goes for devotional practices. These, too, will become merely externalised if associated with the rash and presumptuous belief that the grace to do such devotions comes from spurious apparitions. Such presumption will also block grace obtained from authentic sources. Another sin of presumption that is often associated with the matter of private ‘revelations’ and ‘visions’ is the attitude that the Church will have to approve them because “we” think they are so good and holy and simply cannot come from the devil ... From the moment the obedience of the Lamb of God became the breakthrough for grace, rendering to nought the blockage caused by the disobedience of our first parents, all disobedience, whether individual or corporate, has remained the fundamental obstacle to grace and to its inner dynamism to Catholic unity. ‘The world’ and ‘the earth’ live in utter disobedience to God and His Commandments; in total defiance of the Gospel of His Son; and in complete rejection of the authentic teaching of His Catholic Church. Followers, and even more so promoters, of false apparitions would do well to consider their position in the Catholic Church in regard to this necessary virtue of obedience; lest it is the root of their disobedience which prevents grace and makes them part of ‘the world’. God has always built in, as the cornerstone of proper scrutiny into alleged apparitions, obedience to the findings and authority of the local bishop. It is not difficult to prove that disobedience to the Bishop of Mostar is blatant in Medjugorje, even to the extent that the anti-Catholic and anti-God world of communism started to promote the ‘apparitions’. Not only has this courageous and valiant Bishop been completely vilified by an international chorus of Medjugorje adherents for his rejection of the authenticity of the ‘apparitions’, this disobedience has been instigated and sustained by the ‘apparitions’ themselves. God has always built obedience to the local bishop into the proper attitude toward alleged apparitions. His Holiness Pope Pius XII has, on at least two occasions, taught the universal Church that the Papacy considers the local bishop to be the first and principal authority in apparition cases. (See his 1957 encyclical on the centenary of the apparitions of Our Blessed Lady at Lourdes, and his letter to the Bishop of Namur, Belgium, 7th Dec, 1942; in Don Sharkey, The Woman Shall Conquer, p 130). Medjugorje is no exception to this Papal attitude. If blatant vilification of the Bishop of Mostar and the widespread disobedience to his episcopal authority prove the happenings at Medjugorje to be false, then Medjugorje is outside the Church. Therefore the grace flowing at Medjugorje does not come from the ‘apparitions’ but comes from the sacramental life of the Church, bypassing the false phenomena. People who in this case adhere to the ‘apparitions’; and worse still, maintain that grace flows from them; and even worse still, in a most unholy presumption, declare that the flow of grace proves the ‘apparitions’ to be authentic, create a severe obstacle within themselves to the overwhelming fullness of the Church’s sacramental life which can be present anywhere on earth. The sad part is that this obstacle remains long after the ‘pilgrims’ have returned home ... Part II The foregoing study of how and why grace can flow in places where there are false apparitions is confirmed by two Catholic Bishops – both speaking in the context of Medjugorje – to be in line with Catholic Teaching. Mgr Henri Brincard, the Bishop of Puy-en-Velay, is the bishop responsible for the French Association of Marian Organisations. Here he is responding to a question put to him at an assembly of the Bishops of France. During the course of his response he draws on a declaration from Bishop Peric of Mostar, which can be found in Bishop Peric’s book Priestolje Mudrosti (Seat of Wisdom) p 62. [Emphases added]. “The examination of the events [of Medjugorje] must precede the examination of the fruits. When this order is not respected errors of judgement can arise. If we examine the events of Medjugorje in the light of the fruits, what do we observe? It is first of all undeniable that at Medjugorje there are returns to God and ‘spiritual’ healings. ... One could not deny these good fruits in situ. ... But can we say that they continue in our parishes? Difficult question, for we must note unfortunately that the susceptibility, even aggressiveness, of some partisans of Medjugorje towards those who do not share their enthusiasm is such that in some places it provokes serious tensions which attack the unity of the People of God. From where do the good fruits, observed in an indisputable manner at Medjugorje, come? A declaration of Bishop Peric, our confrere of Mostar, may on this point usefully enrich our mediations: ‘The fruits, so often mentioned, do not prove that they flow from apparitions or supernatural revelations of Our Lady. In the measure that they are authentically Christian, they may be interpreted as a product of the normal work of divine grace, by faith in God, by the intercession of the Virgin Mary, Mother of Christ, and by the Sacraments of the Catholic Church. And this is to say nothing of the negative fruits.’ Finally, it is opportune to ask ourselves if the events of Medjugorje have produced good fruits in the visionaries who, at least during the duration of the ‘apparitions’, must by their life be the first witnesses of the grace of which they say they benefit. From there it follows that we ask ourselves the following questions: ‘Have they obeyed the Bishop of Mostar? Have they respected him? ... ’ Such questions and still others yet, are habitually part of a serious investigation into an event of apparitions. In order for the investigation to arrive at a solid conclusion, it is necessary that these fundamental questions receive a clear and objective response. We would like to say nothing about the doubtful or even bad fruits. But truth obliges us to say that they exist. Let us quote, as examples, the calling into question, even to the point of defamation, of the Local Ordinary as well as the disobedience with regard to his legitimate authority; the exacerbation of the Herzegovina ‘question’ following the words attributed to the ‘Gospa’, words in favour of the Franciscans and against the Bishop (cf. Pavao Zanic, Bishop of Mostar, Official Statement: Medjugorje, March 1990).” The Second Vatican Council’s teaching on Collegiality is fully endorsed by Bishop Brincard in word and example. Catholics have the right to expect that his example of collegiality is matched by their own bishop. Bishop Brincard continues [Emphases added]: “I have no authority to pronounce any ecclesial judgement whatsoever on the events of Medjugorje. I am therefore the first to have to give an example of obedience, notably in respecting the pastoral decisions of my confrere of Mostar and in complying with joy to his wishes. I do not see how I can go to Medjugorje without giving my support, by the very fact of my arriving there, to the events whose discernment rest henceforth with the Episcopal Conference of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Such support would fly in the face of a traditional teaching of the Church, recalled in Lumen Gentium, and applicable to all the successors of the Apostles: ‘Individual bishops, insofar as they are set over particular Churches, exercise their pastoral office over the portion of the People of God assigned to them, not over other Churches nor the Church universal’. My wish, which I share with you, is to be able to further in my diocese a real renewal of Marian piety, in having frequent recourse to the habitual means which the Church puts at our disposal and which the Holy Father does not cease to recommend to us.” According to Medjugorje promoters hundreds of bishops have gone on ‘pilgrimage’ to Medjugorje over the last twenty years. From what Bishop Brincard has said, it is evident that bishops who go on ‘pilgrimage’ to Medjugorje sow confusion and division amongst the People of God by their bad example. Through their lack of collegiality they must be counted as being responsible for keeping Medjugorje ‘alive’ amongst Catholics. Collegiality is noticeably absent also in Bishops who may never have been to Medjugorje, but who allow its propaganda to invade their dioceses. This flow of evil out of a pipe that should produce grace for an entire diocese gives Medjugorje the illusion of coming from the Church; and by that illusion, the further illusion of coming from Our Lady the Mother and Model of the Church. Catholics the world over have experienced, to one degree or another, what happens when the Medjugorje illusion flows from an episcopate into a diocese, or across a country. Here to be noted are the various tours to Australia of ‘Ivan the Variable’, one of the so-called Medjugorje ‘seers’. As recently as 1999 he was given permission (by Cardinal Edward Clancy and by his successor, Archbishop George Pell) to speak from the sanctuary in each of the cathedral churches of the Archdioceses of Sydney and Melbourne. This was at the very time the Vatican issued its decree ordering the Franciscans out of the Diocese of Mostar under pain of excommunication! Two years earlier, in 1997, ‘Ivan the Variable’ was the featured speaker in the cathedral church of the Archdiocese of Perth. We quote from a report of that event printed in the Perth Archdiocesan newspaper, The Record, 27th Feb 1997. [Emphases added]: “Over 2000 people turned out on a sweltering, humid evening earlier this week at St Mary’s Cathedral to hear Medjugorje visionary Ivan Dragicevic speak following a sung Latin Mass concelebrated by Archbishop Barry Hickey and several priests of the Archdiocese. ‘Whatever the final decision by the Church about the authenticity of the apparitions’, Archbishop Hickey said in his homily, ‘it is undeniable that Medjugorje has given rise to a worldwide revival of Catholic life. ... One sees a powerful return to the central truths of the Faith, and a re-discovering of prayer and sacramental life’, he said. ‘The fruits of Medjugorje are good and they are plentiful. In this year of Jesus, we have no doubt that Mary, whose name is honoured at Medjugorje, will lead the world back to our Saviour’.” “Whatever the final decision by the Church ... it is undeniable that Medjugorje has given rise to a worldwide revival of Catholic life.” Here Medjugorje is being held up by an Archbishop as a ‘causa instrumentalis’ of grace “whatever the final decision by the Church”. The graces that the Archbishop claims to come from Medjugorje, come instead, as we saw, from the Church and belong to the Church. According to Lumen Gentium these graces “possess an inner dynamism to Catholic unity”. That is, they possess an inner dynamism away from the deception of the ‘apparition’ and toward obedience to the authority and findings of the Local Ordinary: towards collegiality. Does Archbishop Hickey’s statement manifest this dynamism of grace that works toward Catholic unity and collegiality; or does it move in the opposite direction away from Catholic unity by holding up Medjugorje instead of the Church as a cause of grace, and ‘Ivan the Variable’ (whom Bishop Zanic proved to be a liar) as one who receives messages from Our Lady? Archbishop Hickey’s statement says, “it is undeniable that Medjugorje has given rise” to a flow of grace “whatever the final decision by the Church”. This is understood to mean that Medjugorje is authentic even if the Church says it is not authentic. Not only is the ‘voice’ of the ‘apparition’ apparently superior to the voice of the Church, but is also apparently separate from the Church. Vatican II with its rich teaching on Our Lady tells us that Our Lady is inseparable from the Church. Archbishop Hickey’s statement conveys the impression that there is a dichotomy or separation between Our Lady and the Church; but is given the appearance of still coming from the Church because it was made by a Catholic Archbishop during a Catholic Mass to honour “Medjugorje visionary Ivan Dragicevic”. It is certainly possible to separate Catholics from the Church by having them follow an impostor while mistakenly thinking that they are following Our Lady. It is not possible to separate Our Lady from the Church, as the following quotes from the Second Vatican Council’s Dogmatic Constitution on the Church (Lumen Gentium) will show. These quotes are taken from the concluding chapter of Lumen Gentium, Chapter VIII “Our Lady”. “Redeemed, in a more exalted fashion, by reason of the merits of her Son and united to him by a close and indissoluble tie, she is endowed with the high office and dignity of the Mother of the Son of God. ... But, being of the race of Adam, she is at the same time also united to all those who are to be saved; indeed ‘she is clearly the mother of all the members of Christ ... since she has by her charity joined in bringing about the birth of believers in the Church, who are members of its head’. Wherefore she is hailed as pre-eminent and as a wholly unique member of the Church, and as its type and outstanding model in faith and charity. (#53)” “By reason of the gift and role of her divine motherhood, by which she is united with her Son, the Redeemer, and with her unique graces and functions, the Blessed Virgin is also intimately united to the Church. As St. Ambrose taught, the Mother of God is a type of the Church in the order of faith, charity, and perfect union with Christ. For in the mystery of the Church, which is itself rightly called mother and virgin, the Blessed Virgin stands out in eminent and singular fashion. (#63)” “But while in the most Blessed Virgin the Church has already reached that perfection, whereby she exists without spot or wrinkle (cf. Eph. 5:27), the faithful still strive to conquer sin and increase in holiness. And so they turn their eyes to Mary who shines forth to the whole community of the elect as the model of virtues. Devoutly meditating on her and contemplating her in the light of the Word made man, the Church reverently penetrates more deeply into the great mystery of the Incarnation and becomes more and more like her spouse. ... Seeking after the glory of Christ, the Church becomes more like her lofty type, and continually progresses in faith, hope and charity, seeking and doing the will of God in all things. (#65)” “The mother of Jesus in the glory which she possesses in body and soul in heaven is the image and beginning of the Church as it is to be perfected in the world to come. (#68)” It was not Vatican II that downgraded devotion to the Mother of God .... In the year 2001 Archbishop Hickey’s newspaper, The Record, continues to portray Medjugorje as a site of authentic apparitions and as a source of grace. It still reproduces ‘messages’ from ‘Our Lady’, and advertises pilgrimages to Medjugorje which it portrays as a Marian Shrine. Propaganda has been sustained over many years so that it has been given the appearance of an official ‘marian’ policy in the Perth Archdiocese. A typical outpouring of this quasi-official policy is “Medjugorje: a miracle of return to the faith”: an article that was given the front-page lead in of “Twenty Years of Medjugorje” when it was printed in The Record on 21st June 2001. Here is the first example from that article: “... the Vatican continues to consider whether or not to confirm the alleged apparitions.” The dictionary gives a number of accurate definitions of the word “confirm” as it is used in this extract from The Record. (i) ‘Provide support for the truth or correctness of’; (ii) ‘make definitely valid’; (iii) ‘prove to be true or valid’. When each of these definitions is successively substituted for the word ‘confirm’ in the above quoted sentence, that sentence reads as follows: (i) “The Vatican continues to consider whether or not to ‘provide support for the truth or correctness of’ the alleged apparitions”. (ii) “The Vatican continues to consider whether or not to ‘make definitely valid’ the alleged apparitions”. (iii) “The Vatican continues to consider whether or not to ‘prove to be true or valid’ the alleged apparitions”. From this it is evident that the statement that “the Vatican continues to consider whether or not to confirm the alleged apparitions” diverges from the truth on three counts. Firstly it premises that the apparitions are known to be true when in fact they are known to be false. Secondly it premises to confirm true that which is impossible to confirm true because it has already been shown to be false. Thirdly it implicates the Vatican in a role that it does not normally take in the investigation of apparitions. For enlightenment on this third count we return to Bishop Brincard’s response to the question: “Is there an authorised and official position of the Church concerning the events which motivate pilgrimages to Medjugorje”? “The norms relative to the discernment of private revelations, published on 24th February 1978 by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, signed by its Prefect Cardinal Francis Seper, specify that ‘It belongs in the first and foremost to the Local Ordinary to investigate and to intervene’. The norms of 1978 further specify that ‘the intervention of the Sacred Congregation may be sought either by the Ordinary after he has fulfilled the obligations incumbent upon him, or by a qualified group of faithful. In the latter case vigilance will be exercised that recourse to the Sacred Congregation not be motivated by suspect reasons (for example, wanting to lead, by one fashion or another, the Ordinary to modify his legitimate decisions, or to have the sectarian position of a group ratified, etc)’. Up to this day, only the Bishops of Mostar – Bishop Zanic, then Bishop Peric – and the Yugoslav Episcopal Conference have expressed a judgement on the events of Medjugorje. ... These episcopal interventions occurred after long and laborious investigations, several elements of which are not known to us. It is to be noted that the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith never expressed the least reservation regarding these judgements when they were published. Bearing in mind the authority which this Congregation recognises pertaining ‘first and foremost’ to the Local Ordinary, in matters of discernment and intervention, it would not be wise to take lightly that which successive Bishops of the diocese of Mostar-Duvno have said. ... The history of the Church teaches us that Rome always remits in fine to the authority and competence of the Local Ordinary.” It is common knowledge that two successive Bishops of Mostar and the Yugoslav Episcopal Conference have declared that Our Lady never appeared in Medjugorje. The claim that “... the Vatican continues to consider whether or not to confirm the alleged apparitions” bears no relationship to the truth because it implies that the apparitions of Medjugorje have been shown to be authentic (when in fact they have been shown to be false), and all that remains is for the Church to decide whether or not to officially approve them. Here is the second example from the “Twenty Years of Medjugorje” article in The Record. “Is there a connection between Fatima and Medjugorje? One reported message of Mary, dated 25 August 1991 might present a clue: ‘I invite you to self-renunciation for nine days, so that, with your help, everything that I wanted to realise at Fatima may be fulfilled’. So, nine years before the Third Secret was revealed, Fatima and Medjugorje were linked.” The official judgement of the Church is that Our Lady gave no messages in Medjugorje. The message just quoted is spurious – it does not proceed from its pretended source; and can therefore never be a continuation of Our Lady’s Fatima message. This is portraying ‘Our Lady’ as speaking the lies that the ‘visionaries’ spoke: a sin that Bishop Zanic long ago denounced as “deserving the depths of hell”. The assertion that with nine days of self-renunciation the Medjugorje ‘visionaries’ will “fulfill everything”, but which in reality has not yet been fulfilled by the blood of countless twentieth century martyrs, further shows the spurious origin of this message and is an insult to the memory of those martyrs. The third example from the article celebrating “Twenty Years of Medjugorje” should be read from the perspective of the portrait that was put forward in the above quoted second example: that Our Lady is the same at Medjugorje as she is at Fatima. It is a report of the very first ‘conversation’ between ‘Our Lady’ and the ‘visionaries’, which took place on the day of the second ‘apparition’. “But they returned the next day with four companions and found the apparition waiting for them on the hillside. They sprinkled holy water at the vision to see if it would disappear, but the lady again only smiled. So one of them got up the courage to ask, ‘Who are you?’ the response came, ‘I am the Blessed Virgin Mary, Queen of Peace’.” In her first apparition at Fatima Our Lady said to Lucia: “I came to ask you to come here on the thirteenth day for six months at this same time, and then I will tell you who I am and what I want”. Our Lady reserved the revelation of her identity to the Fatima children until her final apparition. In her apparitions at Lourdes it was not until the sixteenth of eighteen apparitions that Our Lady revealed her identity to St. Bernadette: “I am the Immaculate Conception”. In his encyclical Redemptoris Mater Pope John Paul II taught the entire Church that St. Louis de Montfort is a “witness and teacher” of both “authentic Marian spirituality” and its “corresponding devotion”, and that he is a “sure point of reference” to “look to and follow” in “the present phase of history”. In his treatise True Devotion to Mary St. Louis teaches us about Our Lady’s profound humility (TD #2): “Her humility was so profound that she had no inclination on earth more powerful or more constant than that of hiding herself, from herself as well as from every other creature, so as to be known to God only.” The reservation with which Our Lady revealed her identity in Fatima and Lourdes fits perfectly with St. Louis’ teaching concerning Our Lady’s humility. Medjugorje does not fit with St Louis’ teaching. Having failed the first examination set for them by St. Louis, the fabricators of Medjugorje, in this unholy caricature where pride and self promotion come to the fore, confirm that they do not qualify as witnesses of authentic Marian spirituality, and that the words that were allegedly spoken to them were not spoken by Our Lady. Where can we find a voice strong enough and final enough to warn Catholics where the allurement of spurious messages/apparitions is leading them? For this we again turn to St. Louis de Montfort’s True Devotion to Mary (#90), to hear what this great Marian Saint has to say about false devotions: Today, more than ever, we must take pains in choosing true devotion to Our Blessed Lady, because more than ever before, there are false devotions to Our Blessed Lady which are easily mistaken for true ones. The devil, like a false coiner and a subtle and experienced sharper, has already deceived and destroyed so many souls by a false devotion to the Blessed Virgin, that he makes a daily use of his diabolical experience to plunge many others by this same way into everlasting perdition; amusing them, lulling them to sleep in sin, under the pretext of some prayers badly said or of some outward practices which he inspires. As a false coiner does not ordinarily counterfeit anything but gold or silver, and very rarely other metals, because they are not worth the trouble, so the evil spirit does not for the most part counterfeit other devotions, but only those to Jesus and Mary – devotion to Holy Communion and to our Blessed Lady – because they are among other devotions what gold and silver are among metals.” “... into everlasting perdition! Strong words! We had better believe them! Everlasting perdition does not mean ‘a long time in Purgatory’. It means what it says: everlasting perdition: hell for eternity! Remember it is none other than Pope John Paul II who has designated St. Louis de Montfort’s writings as “authentic Marian spirituality”, and St. Louis as a “sure guide” to “look to and follow” in the “present phase of history”. Thus if so safe a guide as St. Louis de Montfort holds up to us that by a false devotion to Our Blessed Lady, the devil has already destroyed so many souls, and “daily succeeds” in destroying so many more “into everlasting perdition”, then it is high time that Cardinals, bishops, priests and layfolk sit up and take notice. False devotions to Our Blessed Lady are rampant in many dioceses side by side with otherwise orthodox looking devotions and practices. In this instance Catholics may try to weaken the force of St. Louis’ teaching against these false devotions by reassuring themselves that these false devotions cannot really plunge them “into everlasting perdition” because the bishop who allows these false devotions to be present also encourages them to accept that which is good and orthodox. After Our Lord’s teaching on ‘fruits’ and ‘trees’, and His insistence of judging the latter by the first, it was St. James who in his letter took up this question and made it crystal clear for all ages when he wrote: “My brothers, this must be wrong. Does any water supply produce a flow of fresh water and salt water out of the same pipe?” (Ja. 3: 10-11). “Brothers, this must be wrong ...”. These words have the Holy Spirit as their Author and they stand for all times and for all places and circumstances. If Medjugorje is a perversion of true devotion to Our Lady and an instigator of disobedience to Holy Mother Church, and the flow of these evils of false devotion and disobedience into a diocese intolerable, then what is sometimes trotted out: “But the Bishop appears to be so orthodox regarding the Blessed Sacrament, Our Lady, or in his opposition to abortion and aberrations in the liturgy, etc.” cannot be taken, according to St. James, as being a separate flow of fresh water coming out of the same pipe that produces Medjugorje. History shows that all those who during the Reformation accepted the aberrations of Cranmer, Luther, et al in the illusion of ‘drinking from their good points’, got themselves so poisoned that they all walked away from the Catholic Church and became Protestants right up to this day! There are still no exceptions: there never will be! By now it is an easy matter to show beyond reasonable doubt to any fair minded and honest person that Medjugorje is not Catholic, and that it was invented precisely to be anti-Catholic. Medjugorje is far from being ‘neutral’; it is tailor-made to produce one thing to perfection: a pre-determined and pre-meditated effect and result. If a bishop insists that we must see his good points and accept them as his guarantee that Medjugorje is authentic (i.e. two opposites coming out of the same pipe), then his good points are being used to mask evil in order that it will enjoy wide acceptance, which of course is the height of hypocrisy! With the result, according to St. James, that the whole supply becomes polluted: “Brothers, this must be wrong”. 7th October 2001 Feast of the Holy Rosary © The Australian Marian Academy of the Immaculate Conception

Matthew the Evangelist presents Jesus Christ as the new Moses

‘If you had believed Moses, you would believe Me, because he wrote about Me’. John 5:46 Bart D. Ehrman writes: https://global.oup.com/us/companion.websites/0195161238/studentresources/chapter6/#:~:text=Matthew%20further%20emphasizes%20Jesus'%20importance,give%20the%20(new)%20law Jesus, The Jewish Messiah: The Gospel According to Matthew Chapter Summary: The author of the Gospel of Matthew used Mark, Q, and his own sources (designated by scholars as "M"). The Gospel was written between 80-85 C.E., probably somewhere outside of Palestine. This chapter applies the redactional method to uncover Matthew's narrative emphases. The redactional method relies on the principle that an author only changes his/her sources for particular reasons. These changes, therefore, give the reader hints about the author's emphases. Damien Mackey’s comment: But see my article: Carsten Peter Thiede’s early dating of Matthew’s Gospel (2) Carsten Peter Thiede's early dating of Matthew's Gospel | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Bart D. Ehrman continues: The Importance of Beginnings: Jesus the Jewish Messiah in Fulfillment of Jewish Scriptures In Matthew, Jesus is unmistakably Jewish: Matthew emphasizes Jesus' connection to two of the most important figures in Jewish history, David and Abraham. Jesus' relationship to Jewish history is further underscored by the genealogy presented in chapter 1. According to this genealogy, there were fourteen generations between Abraham and David, fourteen between David and the deportation to Babylon, and fourteen between the Babylonian exile and Jesus. At the end of each period, something important happened in Jewish history: first came the greatest king, then the worst catastrophe, and finally the arrival of the messiah. The emphasis on Jesus' Jewish roots and the insistence that his life was a fulfillment of prophecy can be traced from the genealogy to the birth narrative and through the rest of the Gospel. Matthew uses "fulfillment citations" to prove that Jesus was the Jewish messiah. Matthew further emphasizes Jesus' importance to Judaism by modeling his birth and ministry on Moses' birth and mission: Jesus is the new Moses who has been appointed by God to free his people from bondage and to give the (new) law. According to Matthew, people do not need to choose between Jesus and Moses, nor must they choose between Jesus' law and Moses' law. Jesus is, for this author, the final interpreter of Mosaic Law. The Portrayal of Jesus in Matthew: the Sermon on the Mount as a Springboard The Sermon on the Mount is one of five blocks of teaching in Matthew. The five-fold structure may mimic the five books of Moses. This sermon is a clear example of Matthew's propensity to equate Moses' and Jesus' roles: Jesus delivers the law of God while standing on a mountain. The sermon deals largely with life in the kingdom of heaven, an earthly kingdom that God will establish on earth. The Beatitudes serve as assurances to those who are currently weak and oppressed-they will have a place in the kingdom of heaven. The Beatitudes are not, therefore, commands but statements of fact. Matthew's Jesus does not advocate abandoning the Mosaic Law. Instead, Jesus insists he has not come to abolish the law but to fulfill it. Jesus urges his followers to keep the law even more rigorously than the scribes and Pharisees. Jesus explains what he means in the next passage, known as the antitheses. In these statements, it is clear that the spirit of the law, not the letter, is ultimately what God's people are called to keep. The law is summarized in two commandments: "love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind" and "love your neighbor as yourself." Thus, love is at the core of the entire law. Jesus Rejected by the Jewish Leaders Although Jesus is presented as thoroughly Jewish in the Gospel of Matthew, he strongly opposes Judaism as it is practiced by the leaders of his day. Jesus requires Jews to keep the law, but urges them to reject the Jewish leaders. For this author, the Jewish authorities are hypocrites who are blind to Jesus' messianic identity. In a story unique to Matthew, Pilate washes his hands of Jesus' blood, and the crowd of Jews cries out, "His blood be on us and on our children" (27:25). Rather than implicating the Jews as a whole for Jesus' death, however, Matthew indicts the Jewish leaders who stir up the crowds; it is the leaders who are responsible for Jesus' death. Matthew and His Readers Because of Matthew's insistence on keeping the law, scholars have surmised that his audience consisted of a number of Jewish converts. There were probably Gentile converts in the community as well, however, because Matthew writes that outsiders will enter the kingdom of God. At the end of the Gospel, moreover, Jesus commands the disciples to baptize the nations - a commandment that does not distinguish Jews from Gentiles. Scholars suggest that the Gospel of Matthew originated somewhere near Palestine. The author's criticism of Jewish leaders may indicate his community's opposition to a local Jews. Matthew may have written his Gospel to show that Jesus was in fact the Jewish messiah who, like Moses, gave his people God's law.

Thursday, August 29, 2024

The inconvenient death of which King Herod vitiated his apotheosis?

by Damien F. Mackey “A severe pain also arose in [King Agrippa’s] belly, and began in a most violent manner… And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life”. Josephus (Antiquities) Poor King Herod. Just as he was turning into a god right before his adoring people, he suffered severe intestinal pain and began to be eaten away by worms (Acts 12:21-23). Thereby was fulfilled, once again - as it had been with king Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ - the pronouncement made by Judith the Simeonite more than half a millennium earlier (conventional reckoning) (Judith 16:17): ‘Woe to [those] that rise up against my people. The Lord Almighty will punish them on the day of judgment. He will send fire and worms into their flesh; they shall weep with pain forever’. But about which King Herod are we talking here? The Jewish historian, Josephus, who gave an account of the king’s spectacular demise somewhat akin to that which we find recorded in Acts 12, called the ill-fated king, “Agrippa”, not “Herod”. Luke Wayne has written of it: https://carm.org/evidence-and-answers/the-historicity-of-acts-12-and-the-death-of-herod-agrippa-i/ The Historicity of Acts 12 and the Death of Herod Agrippa I by Luke Wayne | Feb 26, 2021 | Evidence and Answers, Apologetics The Ancient Jewish historian Josephus, also writing in the first century AD, reported a strikingly similar account of Herod Agrippa’s demise: “Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato’s Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second day of which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theater early in the morning; at which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflection of the sun’s rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon him; and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they added, “Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature.” Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner…And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life,” (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, Chapter 19, Chapter 8, Section 2).3 The overall outline between these two accounts is precisely the same. During his reign as king in Judea, Herod Agrippa came to Caesarea. While there, he made a planned public appearance during which the crowd praised him as a god. He accepted this worshipful praise and, as a result, the true God struck him down by inflicting him with an internal condition that was immediately obvious to the lauding crowd and that ultimately killed him. Josephus and Acts both agree on this order of events. [End of quotes] Josephus, I suspect, may have confused the one called “King Agrippa” (but not Herod), who turned up later at Caesarea, at the trial of Paul (Acts 25:13-26:32), with the “Herod” who, in Acts 12:21-23, met his humiliating public demise. For, according to Luke Wayne again: The Jewish leaders had a favorable view of Herod Agrippa I and that he was apt to show favor to them is attested in Rabbinic sources as well. Indeed, the Mishna even records that Herod Agrippa not only participated in the Jewish feasts at Jerusalem1 but even publically [sic] read from the Torah and delivered a blessing during them. And Josephus, of course, shared this Mishnaïc view: As with the Rabbinic writings, Josephus consistently presents a positive view of Herod Agrippa I.4 Even while reluctantly reporting the above account, Josephus also claims that Herod was repentant before his death and waxes eloquently on how all the people wept and mourned for him. Josephus includes the story not because he had an interest in discrediting and shaming Herod Agrippa but rather because this really is how Herod actually died. That such an end is contrary to Josephus’ overall view of the man gives us all the more reason to conclude that Josephus reported this event only because it was a known fact of history and he thus could not do otherwise. These descriptions, however, read to me more like what one might have expected from the King Agrippa of later Acts, to whom Paul had said (Acts 26:2-3): “King Agrippa, I consider myself fortunate to stand before you today as I make my defense against all the accusations of the Jews, and especially so because you are well acquainted with all the Jewish customs and controversies”. Following through Luke, also the author of Acts, from late Luke 3 into Acts 12, we first encounter “Herod the Tetrarch” at the time of the Baptism of Jesus (Luke 3:1) and, soon afterwards, the imprisonment of John the Baptist. There we learn that Herod was already an inveterate evil-doer (Luke 3:19-20): “But when John rebuked Herod the tetrarch because of his marriage to Herodias, his brother’s wife, and all the other evil things he had done, Herod added this to them all: He locked John up in prison”. By Luke 9, the befuddled Herod is hearing about Jesus (vv. 7-9): Now Herod the tetrarch heard about all that was going on. And he was perplexed because some were saying that John had been raised from the dead, others that Elijah had appeared, and still others that one of the prophets of long ago had come back to life. But Herod said, ‘I beheaded John. Who, then, is this I hear such things about?’ And he tried to see him. By Luke 13, Herod, who had previously “tried to see” Jesus, is now wanting to kill him (vv. 31-33): At that time some Pharisees came to Jesus and said to him, ‘Leave this place and go somewhere else. Herod wants to kill you’. He replied, ‘Go tell that fox, ‘I will keep on driving out demons and healing people today and tomorrow, and on the third day I will reach my goal.’ In any case, I must press on today and tomorrow and the next day—for surely no prophet can die outside Jerusalem!’ Luke 23 becomes Herod’s chance to meet Jesus face to face. It happened like this (vv. 4-12): Then Pilate announced to the chief priests and the crowd, ‘I find no basis for a charge against this man’. But they insisted, ‘He stirs up the people all over Judea by his teaching. He started in Galilee and has come all the way here’. On hearing this, Pilate asked if the man was a Galilean. When he learned that Jesus was under Herod’s jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod, who was also in Jerusalem at that time. When Herod saw Jesus, he was greatly pleased, because for a long time he had been wanting to see him. From what he had heard about him, he hoped to see him perform a sign of some sort. He plied him with many questions, but Jesus gave him no answer. The chief priests and the teachers of the law were standing there, vehemently accusing him. Then Herod and his soldiers ridiculed and mocked him. Dressing him in an elegant robe, they sent him back to Pilate. That day Herod and Pilate became friends—before this they had been enemies. That is all that we read about King Herod in Luke. The author now passes seamlessly into Acts, with mention of Herod and Pilate in Acts 4:27-28: ‘Indeed Herod and Pontius Pilate met together with the Gentiles and the people of Israel in this city to conspire against your holy servant Jesus, whom you anointed. They did what your power and will had decided beforehand should happen’. Following hard upon the martyrdom of Stephen (Acts 7:60), we read (8:1): “On that day a great persecution broke out against the church in Jerusalem, and all except the apostles were scattered throughout Judea and Samaria”. King Herod will soon join in on this, Acts 12, and this chapter will be the very last that we shall read of him. Firstly vv. 1-4: It was about this time that King Herod arrested some who belonged to the church, intending to persecute them. He had James, the brother of John, put to death with the sword. When he saw that this met with approval among the Jews, he proceeded to seize Peter also. This happened during the Festival of Unleavened Bread. After arresting him, he put him in prison, handing him over to be guarded by four squads of four soldiers each. Herod intended to bring him out for public trial after the Passover. Peter is miraculously freed by an angel. Herod will search for him (vv. 6-18): The night before Herod was to bring him to trial, Peter was sleeping between two soldiers, bound with two chains, and sentries stood guard at the entrance. Suddenly an angel of the Lord appeared and a light shone in the cell. He struck Peter on the side and woke him up. ‘Quick, get up!’ he said, and the chains fell off Peter’s wrists. Then the angel said to him, ‘Put on your clothes and sandals’. And Peter did so. ‘Wrap your cloak around you and follow me’, the angel told him. Peter followed him out of the prison, but he had no idea that what the angel was doing was really happening; he thought he was seeing a vision. They passed the first and second guards and came to the iron gate leading to the city. It opened for them by itself, and they went through it. When they had walked the length of one street, suddenly the angel left him. Then Peter came to himself and said, ‘Now I know without a doubt that the Lord has sent his angel and rescued me from Herod’s clutches and from everything the Jewish people were hoping would happen’. When this had dawned on him, he went to the house of Mary the mother of John, also called Mark, where many people had gathered and were praying. Peter knocked at the outer entrance, and a servant named Rhoda came to answer the door. When she recognized Peter’s voice, she was so overjoyed she ran back without opening it and exclaimed, ‘Peter is at the door!’ ‘You’re out of your mind’, they told her. When she kept insisting that it was so, they said, ‘It must be his angel’. But Peter kept on knocking, and when they opened the door and saw him, they were astonished. Peter motioned with his hand for them to be quiet and described how the Lord had brought him out of prison. ‘Tell James and the other brothers and sisters about this’, he said, and then he left for another place. In the morning, there was no small commotion among the soldiers as to what had become of Peter. After Herod had a thorough search made for him and did not find him, he cross-examined the guards and ordered that they be executed. This wondrous narrative is immediately followed by the account of the death of Herod, the same King Herod, I believe, who slew John the Baptist, who mocked Jesus Christ, and who had Peter imprisoned. A man in whom wickedness was now full (vv. 19-24): Then Herod went from Judea to Caesarea and stayed there. He had been quarreling with the people of Tyre and Sidon; they now joined together and sought an audience with him. After securing the support of Blastus, a trusted personal servant of the king, they asked for peace, because they depended on the king’s country for their food supply. On the appointed day Herod, wearing his royal robes, sat on his throne and delivered a public address to the people. They shouted, ‘This is the voice of a god, not of a man’. Immediately, because Herod did not give praise to God, an angel of the Lord struck him down, and he was eaten by worms and died. But the word of God continued to spread and flourish. ‘He will send fire and worms into their flesh; they shall weep with pain forever’. It is fitting that the death of the great persecutor of the Jews-Christians should be mentioned in the Scriptures just as were those of other evil persecutors and blasphemers such as kings Antiochus Epiphanes and Sennacherib of Assyria.

Thursday, August 22, 2024

Job’s Life and Times

by Damien F. Mackey This is a revised version (March 2012) of an article of this title published in Mentalities/Mentalités (Outrigger) Vol. 13, no. 1-2 October 1998. Introduction The impression that one gets from reading various old and new commentaries on the Book of Job is that - after all this time - there has not yet been established what one might consider to be a firm identity, or era, for the main character, JOB. He still comes across as being profoundly mysterious, like Melchizedek; someone who just appears “out of nowhere”, without a known beginning. In this article I shall be attempting to lift some of this thick veil of mystery enshrouding Job, by identifying his ancestry and his place of abode, and by locating him in a specific historical era. That of course presupposes on my part a recognition that Job was a genuine historical person, and not a myth. It is a premise that I confidently accept. Job, according to the view that will be developed in the following pages, is to be identified as none other than TOBIAS, the son of Tobit, an Israelite of the tribe of Naphtali, dated to the Assyrian captivity of the C8th BC. Many commentators have expressed their opinion that the BOOK OF JOB is one of the finest literary works of the Old Testament. It is the story of a righteous man of great wealth, whom God allows to be sorely tempted by Satan through a series of increasingly painful ordeals. In a series of trials, Job suffers the loss of his property and his possessions, including his many servants; then later of his seven sons and his three daughters (Job 1:13-19). After this, he is afflicted in his own person, being struck with “a very grievous ulcer, from the sole of his foot to the top of his head” (2:7). Most painful of all is the excruciating agony of soul that Job, who had lived for so long in God’s friendship, must now endure upon finding himself being treated as if he were God’s enemy. Instead of pity and comfort in the midst of such terrible affliction, Job receives nothing but mockery and contempt from his family and his fellow-citizens. For though once renowned and highly respected throughout the land, he has now become - due to the pitiful state to which he has been reduced - the common “laughing-stock” (30:1). He to whom all had been wont to turn for help in their hour of need, must now pass his days as an outcast, seated on a dunghill, attended by no one. He is loathsome to his relatives and friends. Even his wife finds it hard to be civil to him. Three of Job's friends, ELIPHAZ, BILDAD and ZOPHAR, having come by agreement from their respective dwelling-places (of Tema, Suhi and Naamath), ostensibly to comfort Job (2:11), merely succeed in exacerbating his torment by their total misjudgment of the situation. Their initial compassion upon seeing Job soon turns to accusation. Only a guilty man, they reason, could be thus afflicted by God. Job also has to suffer the further indignity of being lectured to by the somewhat pompous and inexperienced, though well-meaning young man named ELIHU (from Buz) (32:6-37:24). To each discourse Job replies patiently by asserting his innocence. At the end of the poem God himself intervenes and replies to Job, before the brief epilogue telling how the hero of this suffering was rewarded for his patience and loyalty (38-41 and 42). Whilst there are available many useful commentaries to expound for us all the intricacies of the Book of Job, their usefulness does not carry over - as I have indicated above - to any satisfactory elucidation of the book’s historical locus. That this important aspect of the Book of Job still remains rather poorly understood can be gauged from the following statement about the book’s authorship, by F. Knight (Nile and Jordan, James Clarke and Co., Ltd., London, 1921, p. 379): The authorship, date, and place of composition of the Book of Job constitute some of the most keenly contested and most uncertain problems in Biblical Criticism. There is perhaps no book in the Canon of Scripture to which more diverse dates have been assigned. Every period of Jewish history, from BC 1400 to BC 150, has had its advocates as that to which this mysterious and magnificent poem must be relegated, and this criticism ranges over 1200 years of uncertainty. The problem of the historicity of the life of Job appears to be an age-old consideration; for we find that at least as far back as the thirteenth century AD (conventional reckoning) the question was being hotly debated in the Schools. St. Thomas Aquinas (In “Expositio super Job ad litteram”) was one who had insisted that Job, and those who engaged in debate with him, were genuine historical persons. In this he was opposing himself to the likes of Moses Maimonides (In “Guide of the Perplexed”, III. 22), who had expressed a contrary view. Aquinas had written in the Prologue to his Expositio: “Now there have been some men to whom it seemed that the Job in question was not something in the nature of things but that he was a kind of parable made up to serve as a theme for a debate over providence, the way men often invent hypothetical cases to debate over them”. Against such a view Aquinas however opposed the clear references to Job in the Old and New testaments, namely: Ezekiel 14:14,20, in which God states that Jerusalem had at that time (just prior to the Babylonian Captivity) become so corrupt that even if such holy men as Noah, Daniel and Job had been living in it - though these three would have escaped with their lives - they would not have been able to have saved any others in the city from imminent destruction. James 5:11, in which the Apostle praises Job’s steadfastness. Aquinas had, in the course of his commentary, pointed to certain details of an historical nature in the text of Job itself that he believed to confirm this view; for example that very first verse of the Book of Job: “There was a man in the land of Uz by the name of Job ...” (1:1), in which Job is described with respect to his native land, and with respect to his name. These two items of information, he believed, had been provided to show that this story is not a parable but a real occurrence. (Expositio, Ch. 1). We encounter the same situation again later on in the Book of Job, where the young Elihu is introduced into the story as “Elihu, the son of Barachiel the Buzite, of the line of Ram” (32:2). From this information we learn about the young man’s name, his origin, his native land, and his race. Elihu is in fact the only character in the Book of Job who is accorded a patronymic; for nowhere in this book are we supplied with the name of Job’s father, nor of the father(s) of his three friends. Aquinas, though his purposes were purely interpretative, had nevertheless listed the historical problems of the book as: “The time Job lived”, “his parentage” and “the authorship” of the book. As it happens, these are the very kinds of problems that concern us here. But does it really matter, anyway, who Job was and when and where he lived? Well, apart from any another good reason, I believe that a recognition of the historical era of Job can be of great assistance to the reader when trying to come to terms with so abstruse a text as the main dialogue section of the Book of Job. For surely, in this regard, it must be of no small benefit to have at one’s disposal some concrete facts about the main character: who he was; from whence he came; where he lived, ... etc. Such knowledge about Job would certainly go a long way towards dispersing the air of mystery that surrounds him. What I hope to demonstrate in this article is that the details about Tobias’ life are nothing other than those pertaining largely to the first part of Job’s extraordinary life; whilst those events described in the Book of Job generally (and especially his last great trial) constitute his later years. Whereas the Book of Tobit provides us with immense personal detail about the lives of its central characters, the Book of Job by comparison is significantly lacking in any such detail. In the latter case, the author does not give us even the tiniest clue as to the identity of Job’s father, or his mother, nor who might have been their ancestors; neither are we told where Job was born, nor to which race he belonged. Similarly, we learn nothing about the family origins of Job’s wife. It is most probably due to the fact that the Book of Job provides us with no specific Israelite ancestry for its main character - plus the fact that Job himself is described as living in the “east”, in the “land of Uz” (cf. 1:1 and 3) - that commentators invariably conclude that Job must have been non-Israelite, that is, a gentile. Thus St. Augustine of Hippo said of Job that: “He was neither a native of Israel nor a proselyte (that is, a newly admitted member of the people of Israel) ...,” but an Edomite foreigner. (City of God, Bk. XVIII, Ch. 47). What I am suggesting, however, is that the Book of Tobit has already provided us with all such personal detail as is lacking from the Book of Job. According to my view, we would already know from the opening verses of Tobit all that we needed to know about Job’s paternal ancestry, his tribe, his country and his town of origin. In those verses we read about Tobias’ father, that he was: … Tobit, the son of Tobiel, son of Ananiel, son of Aduel, son of Gabael, of the descendants of Asiel and the tribe of Naphtali ... from Thisbe, which is to the south of Kedesh Naphtali in Galilee above Asor (Tobit 1:1-2). That is already comprehensive biographical information! Moreover, from the Book of Tobit, we would know that Tobias’ mother was “Anna”, the wife of Tobit (1:9). We would know such similar details too about a wife of Job’s (whether or not she were the same “wife” as referred to in Job 1:9-10); that she was named “Sarah” and was “... the daughter of Raguel” (3:7) and “Edna” (7:2), who lived “at Ecbatana in Media” (3:7), and that she married Tobias (7:13). Hence, there is no need for the Book of Job to repeat all of this biographical information. Since however, from the point of view of the reader of Job, the lack of this biographical data can leave the main character seeming mysterious and enigmatical, one would do well to read about Job with the Book of Tobit in mind. I like to work according to the principle that whenever a patronymic or genealogy is lacking in the case of a significant biblical character, we ought to expect (given the importance that the Israelite/Jewish people attributed to genealogies) that this ‘lack’ is due to the fact that the details have already been supplied elsewhere in the Scriptures. Linking Tobias and Job What initially got me thinking that Job might have been the same person as Tobias were: (a) the respective descriptions - even itemizations - of their wealth and possessions; coupled with their fame and reputation for righteousness, and (b) the fact that they both had seven sons. Let its consider these points in turn. The fortunes of the once-impoverished Tobias had taken a quantum leap upwards by the conclusion of his successful visit to Ecbatana. We read: “... Raguel ... gave Tobias half his wealth, menservants and maid-servants, oxen and sheep, donkeys and camels, clothes, and money and household things” (10:10. Jerusalem Bible version). Moreover, the angel Raphael had retrieved for Tobias, from nearby “Rages”, the ten talents of silver that his father had “left there in trust with Gabael”, one of his kinsmen (v.14), some 20 years before (cf. 4:20 and 9:5). Interest on this sum (equivalent to many thousands of dollars) must have greatly accumulated during that period of time. Materially speaking, Tobias would eventually benefit further from family inheritances; from his father’s estate in Nineveh, and afterwards, from that of his parents-in-law, in Ecbatana: “[Tobias] inherited their property and that of his father Tobit” (14:13). Thus the wealth that Tobias had accumulated by the time that he had settled down away from Assyria would compare most favourably with the following description that we encounter in the opening verses of the Book of Job: “There was a man ... whose name was Job .... He had seven thousand sheep, three thousand camels, five hundred yoke of oxen, and five hundred she-asses, and very many servants ...” (1:1, 3). Note that the very same types of livestock are listed in both accounts: “oxen”, “sheep”, “donkeys” (she-asses) and “camels”, plus the abundance of human “servants”. We might add another domestic animal here as well: the sheepdog. The dog in the Book of Tobit is sometimes singled out by commentators as being an irrelevancy. What is the point, they exclaim, of even mentioning it! I personally am glad for the dog’s inclusion. Apart from it adding a realistic, eyewitness flavour to a story that is already saturated with such detail (as is often noted by biblical commentators), it provides a further possible link with Job. For, whereas virtually every reference in the Old Testament to a “dog” or “dogs” is derogatory or unflattering - and never homely - it seems that the rare exceptions are to be found in the books of Tobit and Job. Thus: Tobit: “And Tobias went forward; and the dog followed him ...” (cf. 6:1 and 11:4). …. “Then the dog, which had been with [Tobias and the angel] along the way, ran ahead of them; and coming as if he had brought the news showed his joy by his fawning and wagging his tail” (Tobit 11:9). Job: “But now they make sport of me, men who are younger than I, whose fathers I would have distained to set with the dogs of my flock” (30:1). (RSV version). Another version has: “... no sheep-dog of mine ever tended”. In Job 29 we are given a further elaboration on the holy man’s prosperity. Job, now in the midst of his affliction, reflects back to those halçyon “days of old” when, as he says, “God watched over me, when His lamp shone over my head and by His light I walked in darkness” (29:2). In those days, he says, “I washed my feet with butter and the rock poured out streams of oil for me” (v.6). (The Jerusalem version has: “When my feet were plunged in cream and streams of oil poured from the rocks”). Using figurative language here, Job attempts to convey an impression of the incredible overflow of dairy products yielded by his livestock and the superabundance - of oil that he had obtained from his olive trees (which have the best oil usually in rocky and sandy places). According to the Heb. Londinii (or HL) version of Tobit, a large party went with the bridal pair (Tobias and Sarah) a day’s journey homewards; and “... everyone gave a ring of gold … and a piece of silver” (11:1). The only other place in Scripture of which I am aware, where the same thing happened, is in the Book of Job; and it is virtually word for word with Tobit: “... each of them gave [Job] a piece of money and a ring of gold” (42:11). The Book of Tobit does not offer any details regarding Tobias’s own fame and status in society, except to say that he “grew old with honour” (14:13). (His reputation as a righteous man of God is not open to question). But we can perhaps infer a lot more about Tobias’s status from his father Tobit’s own claim to have been held in such “favour and good appearance in the sight of Shalmaneser” (the Assyrian king who had taken the northern Israelites into captivity), that the king had made him “his buyer of provisions” (1:13), which involved his travelling to Media (v.14). “But when Shalmaneser died, Sennacherib his son reigned in his place [*]; and under him the highways were unsafe, so that I could no longer go into Media” (v. 15). [*] This supports my controversial view that Sennacherib and Sargon II (conventionally thought to have succeeded Shalmaneser) were actually one and the same king. The Book of Tobit never mentions Sargon. Restricted travel opportunities during Sennacherib’s reign were only a minor problem for Tobit, however, compared to the persecution that he had to endure. Sennacherib had returned in fury from the debacle in Judaea (1:18) - presumably when his main army had been annihilated in Israel (2 Kings 18:13-19:36). As the Jerusalem Bible version of Tobit puts it: “... when he retreated from Judaea in disorder, after the King of heaven had punished his blasphemies, in his anger Sennacherib killed a great number of Israelites” (v. 18). The RSV specifies that Sennacherib “put to death any who came fleeing from Judaea”. I am not certain if there is any other corroboration of this last statement. Whatever about that, Tobit, in his great charity, secretly buried these compatriots; the consequence for him being that: When the bodies were sought by the king, they were not to be found. Then one of the men of Nineveh went and informed the king about me, that I was burying them; so I hid myself. When I learned that I was being searched for, to be put to death, I left home in fear. Then all my property was confiscated and nothing was left to me, except my wife Anna and my son Tobias (vv. 18-20). Fortunately for the family this frightening situation did not last for very long according to the Book of Tobit. “Less than forty days after this, the king was murdered by his two sons, who then fled to the mountains of Ararat” (v. 21, Jerusalem version). This verse continues on to tell that “[Sennacherib’s] son Esarhaddon reigned after him”. The Greek version of Tobit 1:21 does not give “Esarhaddon”, but “Sacherdonos”; a name completely unknown in Assyrian history. Anyway, this succession was a happy turning point in the life of Tobit, because his nephew, Ahikar was in great favour with the new king. Tobit continues: Esarhaddon ... appointed Ahikar ... over all the accounts of his kingdom and over the entire administration. Ahikar interceded for me, and I returned to Nineveh. Now Ahikar was cupbearer, keeper of the signet, and in charge of administration of the accounts, for Esarhaddon had appointed him second to himself. He was my nephew (vv. 21-22). This “Ahikar” (or “Achior” as he is called in the Vulgate version of Tobit), whom Tobit proudly calls his “nephew”, was also, so I have argued in previous articles: (a) the “Achior” of the Book of Judith, who converted to Yahweh - but only after the defeat of the Assyrian army through the agency of Judith; and; (b) the Cupbearer (that is, “Rabshakeh”) of the ill-fated Assyrian army. Indeed, Tobit states quite clearly that Ahikar had been “... chief Cup-bearer ... under Sennacherib ...” (v. 22, Jerusalem Bible). (c) apparently the Aba-Enlil-Dari of the Assyrian records. To what degree Tobias himself was actually honoured in the kingdom of Assyria, due to his having so famous and influential a cousin as Ahikar, needs yet to be determined. That he was certainly honoured afterwards, in “the land of Uz”, is apparent from the fact that he was known as “... the greatest of all the people of the East” (1:1, 3). In Job 29 we are provided with more specific detail, telling of just how mighty the holy man had formerly been: ... when I proceeded to the city gate and in the street they put a chair for me. The youths saw me and hid themselves, and the old men, rising in my presence, stood. The chief men stopped speaking and laid their hand on their mouth. The generals checked their voices and their tongues stuck to their throat (vv. 7-10). Since in those days judgments were handed down at the city gates, Job apparently had the authority of judging. The fact that “a chair” was provided for him, shows that he was not a petty judge, but a man of singular dignity. Furthermore he had authority, not only over recalcitrant youths, but even over old men, who “stood” in his presence. Even the chiefs did not dare to interrupt Job when he was speaking. And the generals, who are usually bolder and more prompt to speak, “checked their voices”, by speaking humbly and plainly, and sometimes they were so dumbfounded that they dared not speak at all. At this time Job describes himself as “sitting like a king with the army standing round about ...” (v.25). Moreover we are told in Job 19:9 that the great man had worn “a crown”. So a search needs to be made to identify him as a great official. But Job, despite his awesome authority, “was nevertheless the consoler of the mourners” (v. 25); that is, a magnanimous man who looked down on no one. Indeed, he was “an eye to the blind man and a foot to the lame man” (v.15), and “the father of the poor” (v.16). Because of his graciousness, the people loved, rather than feared, Job (v. 11), and they awaited him when he was absent, missing him “like rainfall” (v. 23). Listening to his words of wisdom, all “kept silent”, he says, for “they dared to add nothing to my words” (knowing him to be far wiser than they) (v. 22). Well, therefore, does Job shape up as being a most fitting son of the Tobit who had himself “performed many acts of charity” to his brethren, giving of his bread to the hungry and his clothing to the naked, and burying the dead (1:16-17), and being greatly loved in return by his brethren for his charitable works towards them (7:7-8). The other easily grasped comparison between Tobias and Job is that of having seven sons. Compare the following: Tobit: “[Tobit] called to him his son Tobias and his children, seven young men, [Tobit’s] grand¬sons” (Tobit 14:5). Job: “... a man whose name was Job .... There were born to him seven sons ...” (Job 1:1, 2). One can search the Scriptures practically in vain, I think, to find any other example of a famous man of whom we are told that he had precisely seven sons. It appears that Tobias was already a grandfather by the time of his father’s death, because old Tobit - we are informed - lived to see “the children of his grand-children” (14:1). When finally Tobias fled Nineveh, he took with him “his wife, and children, and children's children, and returned to his father and mother-in-law” (14:14). Perhaps a clue to how many of his generations Tobias had lived to see is to be found in the “prophetical” blessing of his cousin Gabael, who, having come from Rages to the wedding of Tobias and Sarah, had exclaimed: “... may you see your children, and your children’s children, unto the third and fourth generation” (9:11). (Might not this blessing have been tactfully omitted from the Book of Tobit had its hopes never been realised?). In the context of our reconstruction, Gabael’s blessing had the desired effect, for subsequently, at the end of the Book of Job, we read that the holy man did in fact live to see “his children, and his children's children, unto the fourth generation” (42:16). This sentence really reads like a catch-line, taken directly from the Book of Tobit, and inserted into the Book of Job! One version of Job has “unto the fifth generation”, which might be making allowance for the fact that Job had lost an entire generation of children. Perhaps, too, the loss of that generation may have been uppermost in the mind of the angel Raphael, in those bygone days, when he spoke the following, possibly ironical words to Tobias about his marriage to Sarah, “I suppose that you will have children by her” (6:17). Finally, in both cases the much honoured holy man dies an old man, full of days (cf. Tobit 14:14 and Job 42:17). So already, it seems, we have some very obvious and striking comparisons in: wealth and possessions; having seven sons; a reputation for righteousness before God; profound charity - leading to being greatly loved; a very high standing in society; and living to a goodly old age in great honour. Regarding the latter point, old age, whereas Job is said to have lived for 140 years (42:15), Tobias’s age, at death, is given variously as 117 (Good News) or 127 (King James). He was thus likewise, with Job, a centenarian, but supposedly younger. I suggest that the significant variation given for the age of Tobias at death might indicate that the original figure was no longer known with certainty. When Tobit had become blind, he called his son and imparted to him certain wise counsels (based on the Mosaïc Law), reinforcing what he had taught him from infancy (1:10), before sending him off to the land of “Media”. The description of these ethical maxims occupies chapter 4 of the Book of Tobit. The counsels cover a variety of devout practices, such as honouring one’s mother (4:3-4); keeping the commandments (v. 5); giving alms (vv. 7-11); avoiding immorality (v. 12); marrying a woman who is not foreign (v. 12); avoiding idleness (v. 13); being just in the payment of wages (v. 14); practising sobriety (v.15); seeking wise advice (v. 18); and blessing God on every occasion (v. 19). Obviously Tobias was a most obedient son, because in “Media” he took a wife from his own tribe (chs. and 8); purely, not out of lust (8:7); and he blessed God for giving him such a good wife (8:5-6). Moreover, he was eager to return home to Nineveh, out of concern for his mother (10:7). Later, he buried her with honour, as Tobit had asked (cf. 4:4 and 14:12). Now, we should expect to find that Tobias as the mature Job in his greatest trial would have fully matured in observing his father’s maxims, which would have been bearing fruit. And this is exactly what we do find. The evidence for it is especially apparent in Job’s famous protestation of his innocence (also known as a ‘Negative Confession’) to Eliphaz, after the latter had accused him of all kinds of immoral practices (cf. Job 22 and 31). In the following comparison, the reader will be able to see clearly how the maxims of Tobit had become very much embedded in his goodly son’s own thinking and way of life: Tobit: “Give of your ... clothing to the naked” (Tobit 4:16). Job: “I have not seen any perish for want of clothing: or the needy to have no covering” (Job 31:19). Tobit: “Give of your bread to the hungry ...” (4:16). “Upon seeing the abundance of food [Tobit] said to his son, ‘Go and bring whatever poor man of our brethren you may find ...’.” (2:2). Job: “I have not eaten my morsel alone” (31:17). Tobit: “Beware, my son, of all immorality” (4:12). Job: “My heart has not been deceived by a woman. I have not laid wait at my neighbour’s door .... For that [adultery] would be a heinous crime” (31:9, 11). Tobit: “... O, Lord, I am not taking [Sarah] because of lust, but with sincerity” (8:7). Job: “I have made a covenant with my eyes; how could I look intently upon a virgin?” (31:1). Tobit: “Do not hold over till the next day the wages of any man who works for you, but pay him at once ...” (4:14). “What you hate, do not do to anyone” (4:15). Job: “I have not walked with falsehood, and my foot has not hastened to deceit” (31:5). Comment: Knight equates Job’s words here with the two Egyptian confessions: “I have not dealt treacherously with anyone”, and “I have not acted with deceit or done evil to men”. Tobit: “And from his infancy [Tobit] taught his son to fear God, and to abstain from all sin” (1:10). “And take heed that you never consent to sin, nor transgress the commandments of the Lord our God” (4:6). Job: “My foot has held fast to His steps; I have kept His way and have not turned aside. I have not departed from the commandment of His lips; I have treasured in my bosom the words of His mouth” (23:11-12). “My step has not turned out of the way” (31:7). Tobit: “Remember the Lord our God all your days, my son ... live uprightly ... and do not walk in the ways of wrongdoing” (4:5). Job: “There was a man ... whose name was Job; and that man was blameless and upright, one who feared God, and turned away from evil” (1:1). Tobit: “... we are the children of the saints, and look for that life which God will give to those who never change their faith from Him” (2:18). “For we are the sons of the prophets” (4:12). Job: “My heart has not been secretly enticed if I beheld the sun when it shone, nor have I kissed my hand to the moon walking in brightness. (Which is a very great iniquity, and a denial against the most High God)” (31:26-28). (Comment: This last is a reference to idolatrous pagan practices.) Examples could be multiplied. After all, wasn’t Job’s God-fearing righteousness the very matter of which God boasts about him before Satan? (1:8 and 2:3). Tobit’s insistence on adhering to pure religion and keeping on the straight path was the fruit of his own bitter experience, based on the apostasy of his “whole tribe” to the calf of king Jeroboam (1:4, 5). Tobit: “Bless the Lord God on every occasion ...” (4:19). “Then [Tobit and his son] lying prostrate ... upon their faces blessed God; and rising up, they told all his wonderful works” (12:22). Job: “Then Job ... fell upon the ground and worshipped” (1:20). Tobit: “And Tobias began to pray, ‘Blessed art Thou, O God of our fathers, and blessed be Thy holy Name for ever’.” (8:5). Job: “And [Job] said, ‘Naked I came from my mother’s womb, and naked shall I return, the Lord gave, and the Lord has taken away; blessed be the Name of the Lord’.” (1:21). Again, just as in the case of Gabael’s blessing, that Tobias might live to see his fourth generation, it is almost as if the above protestations of innocence by Job were catch-lines, gathered up from the Book of Tobit, and inserted into the Book of Job. For, to each accusation made against him by Eliphaz, Job asserts his innocence as if he had the very counsels of his father ringing in his ears. Job, who could speak of himself as: “I, whom God has fostered father-like, from childhood, and guided since I left my mother’s womb” (31:18), had also spoken of some mysterious being who might act as his “witness” and defender in heaven (16:18-21); who, upon hearing of his fate, would intervene to vindicate him. Most are agreed that this reference obviously cannot be intended of some earthly friend or companion. Who therefore might this “witness” be? Once again, I believe, the Book of Tobit comes to our aid, to assist us in making the correct identification. Had not a heavenly intercessor already figured largely in the story of Tobias? I refer of course to the angel Raphael who had, already many years ago now, fulfilled the very same role of intercession before God on behalf of Tobit and Sarah. It must have given Job no little consolation, in the midst of his trials, to have recalled firstly how the angel had hearkened to his father’s prayers in the latter’s own time of his distress, and secondly how the angel had then personally befriended him as well, having served as his sure guide to and from Ecbatana (Tobit 5:4-12:22). Tobias was indeed under God’s special care and guardianship. The angel could not but act as Tobias’s “witness” in heaven. A final significant comparison, one that I had not developed in my original version of this article, is between the Hebrew versions of the names, Tobias and Job; though I had then used the compound TOB to stand for Tobias/Job, which a reader had found confusing. Basically the named Tobit and Tobias are, I now believe, variations of the Hebrew name, Obadiah (precede by an ayin) (עֹבַדְיָה). Tobit equates to Obadiah and Tobias to Obadias. The initial ayin has been converted into a T (either in Greek translation, or it being a Transjordanian variant). The name Job is of a similar construction, but having an initial aleph. [*] [*] ‘Obadiah can also be rendered as Abdiel (Abdias), Abdiel being the very same name as the Arabic Abdullah. Now it is most significant that the Prophet Mohammed’s parents were Abdullah and Amina, equating almost exactly to the names of Tobias’s parents Abdiel and Anna. Was Mohammed’s “Medina”, then, yet another case of confusion with “Media”/ “Midian”? Locating Tobit’s “Rages” and “Ecbatana” As the heading suggests, my purpose in this section will be to identify both the “city of Rages” to which Tobit sent his son to procure the ten talents of silver and the “Ecbatana”, in whose mountain this “city of Rages” is said to have been located. Now since Tobias died and was buried in “Ecbatana” (14:13, The Jerusalem Bible version), it should necessarily follow - if my overall reconstruction is correct - that “Ecbatana” was the same as the “land of Uz”, where Job ended his days. (Note: Nowhere does the Book of Tobit say that this particular “Ecbatana” was a city). The various versions of Tobit, when combined, provide us with quite a clear description of at least the topography of “Rages” and of “Ecbatana”. In the Vulgate, for instance, the angel Raphael, after having been asked by Tobias if he knew “the way that leads to the country of the Medes”, replied to him: “‘I know it; and I have often walked through all the ways thereof; and I have abode with Gabelus [var. Gabael] our brother, who dwells at Rages a city of the Medes, which is situated in the mount of Ecbatana’.” (5:8). The Jerusalem Bible by no means contradicts this when it says that: “[Rages] lies in the mountains, and Ecbatana is in the middle of the plain” (5:6). And it adds the important note that: “It usually takes two full days to get from Ecbatana to Rages” (5:6). Since these two locations, “Rages” and “Ecbatana”, are said to be “in Media”, or “in the land of the Medes”, commentators instinctively turn to the famous Median capital of Ecbatana to the east of Nineveh, and to the Rhaga (Rages) that is a bit less than 200 miles distance from that Ecbatana. But they then very quickly become aware that something is quite wrong with this scenario; that, to quote The Jerusalem Bible, “the geography is inexact”. (See J. Simons, The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament, Brill 1959, pp. 503-504). Fr. D. Dumm, in The Jerome Biblical Commentary (article “Tobit”, footnote comment on 5a), goes so far as to say that: “[The angel] Raphael knows the journey of life far better than the route to Media!” A couple of the well-known problems associated with any attempt to place the Median Rhaga and Ecbatana in the context of the Book of Tobit are that: Whereas the Median Ecbatana is east of Nineveh [see map above], Tobias’s journey to “Ecbatana” from “Nineveh” would of necessity have involved his travelling westwards, because he and the angel arrived by “first evening” at the Tigris River (6:2); which river is definitely west of Nineveh. Whereas the journey from “Ecbatana” to “Rages” normally took “two full days”, the almost 200-mile journey from the Median Ecbatana to Rhaga would have taken significantly longer. In fact it took the army of Alexander the Great 11 days to march from the one to the other. (Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander, Penguin, 1986, Bk. 3, #’s 20-21'S Rightly then does Simons observe (according to a conventional Median context) that the journey referred to in the Book of Tobit “would be a forced ‘journey of two days’ even for an express messenger” (op. cit., p. 504). For these good reasons, I must reject the classical Rhaga and Ecbatana east of Nineveh as being, respectively, the “Rages” and “Ecbatana” of the Book of Tobit. Instead, I shall identify sites for Tobit’s “Rages” and “Ecbatana” that positively fit the biblical description. According to the view that will be presented in the following pages: The “city of Rages” is identified as the city of Damascus (700 metres above sea level), which is indeed in the slopes of a mountain; it being over-shadowed by the majestic Mt. Hermon. The Psalmist says of that mountain: “O mighty mountain, mountain of Bashan; O many-peaked mountain, mountain of Bashan!” (Psalm 68:15). It would follow from this that Tobit’s “Ecbatana”, in whose mountain lay this “city of Rages” (5:8, Vulgate), must be the fertile region of Bashan. In Greco-Roman times Bashan - which is a province, not a city, and which does indeed lie in a plain (of Hauran) - had become known as the Damascene province of Batanaea. So what I now confidently propose is that Batanaea is simply the name “Ecbatana”. Confusion has apparently arisen with the original place-names having been translated into other languages. “The popularity of the story of Tobit”, wrote Marshall in his commentary on “The Book of Tobit” (A Dictionary of the Bible, Scribner, 1902, pp. 785, 788), “is attested by the number of variations in which it exists in several languages” (e.g., Greek, Latin, Chaldean/ Aramaic and Hebrew). Marshall implies that individual texts underwent multiple translations; that, for example, the Syro-Chaldean version that Saint Jerome says he translated into Latin, “in one day”, shows linguistic evidence of having been originally written in Greek. Not surprisingly, there are considerable variations from one text of Tobit to another. Now, the difference in certain key place-names is fascinating from the point of view of the present reconstruction. I refer to the fact that the usual “Media” is replaced by “Midian” in one instance (Heb. Fagii or HF version. See Marshall, pp. 786, 787); and that, in another case (Heb. Londinii), “Ecbatana” is replaced by “Bathania”. Now, this is exactly what we needed to break the geographical deadlock; for: “Midian” is certainly a much more satisfactory description than is “Media” of the northern Transjordania. Scripture links both Job (1:3) and the Midianites of this region (Judges 6:33) as, or with, the “people of the east” (Heb. bene qedem). Moreover it would be more understandable for Tobit to have found during Sennacherib’s reign that “the highways” leading westwards to Midian were “unsafe” (1:15), rather than the highways leading eastwards to Media, since Sennacherib had fairly minimal contact with the Medes during his reign. And “Bathania”? Well that too is just the same name as Batanaea! Obviously the original name “Bathania” was mistaken for “Ecbatana” (from the Greek ek Bathania?) by later translators and/or copyists, who would then naturally have identified “Ecbatana” with the famous Median city of that name. But that there was also an “Ecbatana in Syria” was known to Herodotus, who distinguished it from the Median city of the same name (The Histories, Bk. 3). Some facts that further greatly strengthen my above conclusions about the identifications of “Rages” and “Ecbatana” are that: All of the Arabic and Syrian traditions identify the province of Batanaea as Job’s “land of Uz”. The central part of this province of Batanaea, which tradition identifies as Job’s precise home, is perfectly situated in relation to Damascus, being about 50 miles distant. Indeed, Jâkût el-Hamawi says of Batanaea’s most central town of Nawâ [which some actually identify as Job’s town]: “Between Nawa and Damascus is two days’ journey ...”. Now, if one enquires with the locals particularly for that part of the country in which Job himself dwelt, he is directed to the district between Nawâ and Edrei, which is accounted the most fertile portion of the country. This region of Job’s traditional home in central Batanaea in the plain of Hauran (today’s en-Nukra) corresponds both geographically and topographically with the “Ecbatana” of Tobit, inasmuch as: (i) it is approximately “two days’ journey” from a city (namely, Damascus); a city that is in turn considered to be (ii) in the mountain (namely, Mt. Hermon) of that region. And, finally, it is (iii) “in the middle of the plain” (namely, the plain of Hauran). Eusebius is even more specific about the location of Job’s home. Writing at circa 310 AD, Eusebius said (in Onomastikon, Vol. IV): “Astaroth Karnaim is at present a very large village beyond the Jordan, in the province of Arabia, which is called Batanaea. Here, according to tradition, they fix the dwelling of Job”. In relation to the name "Astaroth [Ashtaroth]”, though, we encounter a problem common to the geography of this part of the world: namely, that one often finds a repetition of names from one place to another (see also below). Thus we encounter two places called “Ashtaroth” in the region of Batanaea. F. Delitzsch (Commentary on the Old Testament, Eerdmans, Vol. IV, pp. 426-427), when making his choice between these two options for Job’s home, preferred the Ashtaroth (Tell Ashtara) that lies close to the “Tomb of Job” (Makâm Êjûb). Delitzsch further indicated here that the full “region which tradition calls the home of Job”, embraced “the communities of Sahm, Tell Shihâb, Tesîl, Nawâ, and Sa'dîje ...”; all wheat growing communities. From all this I conclude that the angel Raphael had led Tobias to the “Ecbatana” referred to by Herodotus as “Ecbatana of Syria”, that we now identify as the Damascene province of Batanaea; a province that was west of Nineveh, as befits the pattern of Tobias’s journey. What adds further confirmation to this new scenario is that the Vulgate actually places a “Charan ... in the midway to Nineveh” (Tobit 11:1), in relation to Tobias’s journey. This “Charan” would have to be the city of Haran, which is more or less halfway between Nineveh and Damascus if spoken of as a rough approximation, as one does when directing another person on a journey. The Book of Tobit is actually pointing the reader straight to the land where tradition says that Job had dwelt. Thus, contrary to what Fr. Dumm of The Jerome Biblical Commentary had imagined, the angel Raphael knew his geography intimately. It was the later copyists who got lost along the way! When old Tobit told Tobias: “Go to Media [read “Midian”], my son, for I fully believe what Jonah the prophet said about Nineveh, that it will be overthrown” (14:1), he was actually bidding his son to return to the land of his forefathers. This new realisation that Tobit’s “Ecbatana” is meant to refer to the province of Batanaea provides me with, I believe, the real “clincher” for which I had been searching, enabling for the binding together of the books of Tobit and Job. Whilst the Syro-Arabic traditions are emphatic that Job had dwelt in Batanaea, it has been common down the ages for biblical scholars to conclude that Job was a non-Israelite from the land of Edom; Edom being an Arabian country situated to the southeast of Israel (below the Dead Sea). Thus I earlier quoted St. Augustine of Hippo as having said of Job that: “He was neither a native of Israel nor a proselyte (that is, a newly admitted member of the people of Israel) ...”, but an Edomite foreigner. This conviction by scholars about Edom has undoubtedly been due to the fact that various names referred to in the Book of Job pertain to that part of the world (or to Esau's line); names such as “Eliphaz” and his home of “Tema”, also “Buz”, and even “Uz” itself. A perplexing double occurrence of names appears to have attributed to this confusion. Thus we find in both Edom and in the Batanaea region such names for instance as Têmâ and Dûma. Indeed, the early biblical genealogies (Genesis 10:23; 22:21; 36:28) place “Uz” in relation to Edom on the one hand, and to Arabia on the other. In other words, there is more than one “land of Uz” to be considered; as well as more than one “Tema”, more than one “Buz” - all these being names that we encounter in the Book of Job. Clearly the “Uz” referred to as the land of Job (1:1) could not pertain to Edom for the simple reason that, whereas Edom (as I have just said) lay to the south of Palestine, Job is referred to as “the greatest of all the people of the east” (1:3). We meet these “people of the east” in the Genesis account of Jacob’s journey to Syrian Mesopotamia (Genesis 29:1), where the description refers to Jacob’s Aramaean kinsfolk in Haran. The territory of the “Bene qedem” extended from the Arabian desert, lying to the east of Palestine, northwards to the countries of the Euphrates. F. Delitzsch (op. cit., p. 442) put paid in one blow to any attempt realistically to connect Job’s “Uz” with the place of the same name associated with Edom, when he wrote: But should one feel a difficulty in freeing himself from the idea that Ausitis [Job’s “Uz”] is to be sought only in the Ard el Hâlât [desert] east of Ma’ân [next to Edom], he must consider that the author of the book of Job could not, like that legend which places the miraculous city of Iram in the country of quicksands, transfer the cornfields of this hero to the desert; for there, with the exception of smaller patches of land capable of culture, which we may not bring into account, there is by no means to be found that husbandman’s [farmer’s] Eldorado, where a single husbandman might find tillage for five hundred [Job 1:3], yea, for a thousand [Job 42:12] yoke of oxen. Such numbers as these are not to be depreciated; for in connection with the primitive agriculture in Syria and Palestine, - which renders a four years’ alternation of crops necessary, so that the fields must be divided into so many portions ... from which only one portion is used annually, and the rest left fallow ... Job required several square miles of tillage for the employment of his oxen. It is all the same in this respect whether the book of Job is a history or a poem: in no case could the Ausitis be a country, the notorious sterility of which would make the statement of the poet ridiculous. The poem’s description though fits perfectly the fertile region of Batanaea. The Septuagint version of Job translates “of Uz” as “of Ausitis”, and adds at the close of the book that this land was “northeast from Idumaea [Edom] towards the Arabian desert”. This determination of the position of “Uz” is most to be relied upon. It is supported by Josephus (in “Antiquities”, i, 6, 4), who claimed that a person called “Ousos” [i.e., Uz] was the founder of Trachonitis and Damascus. Eusebius (in De Originibus, ix, 2, 4) says further that: “Uz, founder of Trachonitis, held power between Palestine and Cœle-Syria; where Job was”. Now this “Cœle-Syria” was the region of Syria in the vicinity of Damascus. Again, this Damascene region is the very one in which the Syro-Arabic traditions place the home of Job. Following Delitzsch (op. cit., p. 46), let us now consider just two of these traditions about Job: The Jâkût el-Hamawi and Moslem tradition generally mention the east Hauran fertile tract of country north-west of Têmâ and Bûzân, el-Bethenîje (i.e. Batanaea), as the district in which Job dwelt. According to Abufelda … “The whole of Bethenîje, a part of the province of Damascus, belonged to Job as his possession”. The Syrian tradition also locates Job’s abode in Batanaea. There lies an ancient “Monastery of Job” (Dair Êjûb), built in honour of the holy man. All the larger works on Palestine and Syria agree that “Uz” is not to be sought in Idumaea (Edom) proper. In these works we also find it recorded that Batanaea is there called Job’s fatherland. In Batanaea itself the traveller hears this constantly. If any one speaks of the fruitfulness of the whole district; or of the fields, around a village, he is always answered: “Is it not the land of Job (bilâd Êjûb)?”; “Does it not belong to the villages of Job (diâ Êjûb)?” It seems that Batanaea (Hauran) and the land of Job are synonymous. Regarding Job’s tomb, we read from Ibn er-Râbi (in Historia Anteislam) that: “To the prophets buried in the region of Damascus belongs also Job, and his tomb is near Nawa, in the district of Hauran”. Of special interest for our purposes are those aspects of the region of Batanaea that properly fit with descriptions from the Book of Job. I continue to rely on information supplied by Delitzsch (op. cit., p. 415): The fertility of the plain. Whilst there is plenty of good arable land in the whole region, nowhere is the farming in connection with a small amount of labour (since no manure is used), more productive than in Hauran, or more profitable; for the transparent “Batanaean wheat” is always at least 25% higher in price than other kinds. The pleasant climate. That even the Romans were acquainted with the glorious climate of Batanaea is proved by the name “Palestina salutaris” that they gave to the district. The “heap of ashes” (Job 2:8) upon which Job sat in his misery is variously translated as “dung-hill”. Only in a Batanaean context, according to Delitzsch, is there no contradiction, since the two were “synonymous notions”. There the dung, being useless for agricultural purposes, is burnt from time to time in an appointed place before the town; while in any other part of Syria it is as valuable as among any farmer. This last distinctive fact, Delitzsch concludes, is yet another indication that Job’s “land of Uz” cannot refer to the land of Edom. Caves. The fact that the region of Hauran is honeycombed with caves fits with what Job says about the habitations of some of those worthless types who had begun to mock and persecute him in his affliction; that “base breed”, whose fathers he said he “would have disdained to set with the dogs of [his] flock” (30:1). These unfortunates Job describes as dwelling “in holes of the earth and of the rocks” (v. 6). Circumstances of a wealthy farmer/grazier. This section needs more elaboration, since it will throw light on various aspects of Job’s life and misfortunes; for example, how his family, servants and property could all at once have been exposed to marauding bands like the Sabaeans and the Chaldeans (cf. 1:15 and 1:17). Thus Batanaea, according to Delitzsch (ibid.), must have been, in the time of Job (as it was when Delitzsch was writing), without the protection of the government of the country, and therefore exposed to the marauding attacks of the tribes of the desert. In such country there is no private possession; but each person is at liberty to take up his abode in it, and to cultivate the land and rear cattle at his own risk, where and to what extent he may choose. “Whoever intends taking up his abode there must first of all have a family, or as the Arabs say, “men” (rigâl), i.e., grownup sons, cousins, nephews, sons-in-law; for one who stands alone, “the cut-off one” (maktû’), as he is called, can attain no position of eminence among the Semites, nor undertake any important enterprise”. Then this lord of the region has to make treaties with all the nomad tribes from which he has reason to fear any attack, that is, to pledge himself to pay a yearly tribute, which is given in native produce (corn, garments). A community might have compacts with more than 100 tribes. That Job lived according to such circumstances seems evident from the fact that the author of the Book of Job represents him as being surprised, not by neighbouring, but by far distant tribes (Chaldeans and Sabaeans), with whom he could have had no compact. [Comment: The reference to Chaldean activity is a further likely evidence that the life of Job belonged to the C8th-C7th’s BC, because it was only then that the Chaldeans began to succeed the Assyrians as world rulers]. Next the lord of the district proceeds to establish a “chirbe”, or village that has been forsaken (for a longer or shorter period), in connection with which all those who have been drawn there (excepting the lord’s own relations, slaves, and servants) set about the work. Perhaps Job 28 has reference to such a settlement. We can see from all this why Job was considered such a great man in the region. As Job (according to 1:3; cf. 42:12) provided the yoke-oxen and means of transport (asses and camels), so he also provided the farming implements and the seed for sowing. We must not think here of the paid day-labourers of the Syrian towns - or the servants of our landed proprietors; they are unknown on the borders of the desert. The hand that toils has there a direct share in the gain; the workers belong to the aulâd, “children of the house”, and are so called. “In the hour of danger they will risk their life for their lord”. The rustic labour is always undertaken simultaneously by all the murâb’în for the sake of order, since the lord has the general work of the following day announced from the roof of his house every evening. Thus it is explained how the 500 ploughmen could be together in one and the same district, and be slain all together. Now that we have determined exactly where Tobias dwelt, after his having fled Nineveh, we can the more easily (though tentatively) locate the homes of Eliphaz, Bildad and Zophar, as well as that of the young Elihu. Eliphaz the Temanite. We presumably no longer have to go to distant Edom to find Tema(n). We now know that there was also a Tema in east Hauran. Bildad the Suhite. We no longer have to go looking for a Suhi (Suhu) for example on the Euphrates north of Babylon. We now know that there was also a place of that name just south of where Job lived. William of Tyre, in his history (1, xxii, C. 21), wrote that the crusaders, on their return from a marauding expedition in the Hauran valley (the Nukra), had wished to re-conquer a strong position, the Cavea Roob [Rahûb], which they had lost a short time before. “This place”, said the historian, “lies in the province of Suite, a district distinguished by its pleasantness, etc.; and that Baldad [Bildad], Job’s friend, who is on that account called the Suite, is said to have come from it”. Delitzsch (op. cit., ibid.), commenting on this passage, was able to pinpoint Bildad’s home thus: “This passage removes us at once into the neighbourhood of Muzêrîb and the Monastery of Job, for the province of Suete is nothing but the district of Suwêt …”. Zophar the Naamathite. The Septuagint has “Sophar the Minæan”. “Naamath” was also a common place name in Syria. Presumably, we do not have to go looking for the “Naamath” of the Book of Job below Edom; for, since Job’s other friends lived in Job’s own approximate neighbourhood, it is reasonable to expect that Zophar would have too. I tentatively suggest that “Naamath” stands for the now familiar place of “Nawa” (also called “Naveh”, “Neve”). It is the “Nebo” (Neba) of Numbers 32:38. (See further comments after Elihu). Elihu the Buzite. We already noted that there was a Bûzân near Temâ in east Hauran. Thus we discover that all of the geographical names associated with Job and his friends – “Uz”, “Tema”, “Suhi”, “Naamath” (likely) and “Buz”, lie in close proximity the one to the other. These regions must originally have been settled by Abraham’s relatives; for we find that Abraham’s brother, Nahor, had “Uz the firstborn, Buz his brother ...” (Genesis 22:20, 21); that Abraham’s own wife, Keturah, bore to the Patriarch: “... Midian ... Shuah ...” (25:2); and that the firstborn son of Abraham’s son, Ishmael, was “Nebaioth” (25:13). By Job’s time, apparently, the Midianite influence was the one that had become uppermost in the region. Almost certainly, Abraham’s son “Shuah” would have given his name to Bildad’s home of “Suhi” or “Shuhi”; whilst Ishmael's son “Nebaioth” may well have had “Nebo” (“Nawâ”) called after himself. Thus probably Job’s friends, plus Elihu, did not have to travel any terribly long distance to visit their afflicted friend. There have been all sorts of guesses as to the identity and status of Job’s three friends: whether these were kings, or priests, or magi. We can no longer agree with the common verdict at least, as referred to by Fr. Dumm (op. cit., ibid.), that: “The three are professional wise men from different localities, but all are connected with Edom, the proverbial home of sages (cf. Ob. 8; Jer 49:7, etc.).” The Septuagint even adds the information that Elihu’s home of “Buz” was in “Ausis” (that is, “Uz”). Elihu himself is said to have been “of the family (race) of Ram”, which is usually taken to mean that he was an Aramaean (Syrian). “Aram” was the nephew of both “Uz” and “Buz” referred to above (who were in turn the nephews of Abraham). With the following identifications having been established: Tobias = Job, “Ecbatana” = Batanaea, and “Media” = Midian, the question now has to be asked: When old Tobit bade his son leave Nineveh and head for Batanaea, was he in fact telling him to return to the family’s original homeland in Naphtali; to the very place from which the Assyrians had taken the family into captivity? In other words, can we locate Tobit’s home-town of “Thisbe” also in the region of Batanaea? On the face of it, locating “Thisbe” would appear to be not too big a problem, since Tobit actually “pinpoints” the town thus: “Thisbe, which is to the south of Kedesh Naphtali in Galilee above Asher”. However, the different versions of Tobit vary so considerably in relation to this location that Simons has commented (op. cit. ibid.): “The heavily glossed nature of the transmitted Greek texts is itself enough to warrant the suspicion that the location of Tobit’s city was something of a problem for ancient readers”. Tobit himself of course knew exactly where “Thisbe” was. Like Moses, who had had to describe the geography of Palestine to the Israelites from an eastern (Transjordanian) perspective, so too was Tobit writing for the sake of his fellow captive Israelites who were situated with him to the east of Palestine. Tobit had written his own history, just as the angel had asked him to do (Tobit 12:20), whilst still in captivity in Nineveh. He would have felt it necessary to have added the detailed information concerning the whereabouts of “Thisbe” especially for the sake of the younger generations, who had grown up in captivity and who had either never been to, nor could remember, Palestine. That Tobit had felt the need to provide such detail would suggest that “Thisbe” was not one of the better known sites in Israel. Since it is customary to locate the territory of the tribe of Naphtali in Upper Galilee to the west of the River Jordan, and since Tobit’s description of Thisbe’s location is interpreted by competent biblical geographists, like Simons (op. cit., p. 503) for instance, as being west of the Jordan in Upper Galilee, above Hazor (“Asher”, also given as “Asor”) and below “Kedesh” in Naphtali, “Thisbe” would appear to lie in a clearly circumscribed area. That area, whilst being at the same approximate latitude as Batanaea, would be on the opposite side of the river from the latter. But, as we have seen throughout, the geography of the Book of Tobit, as it is presented in the translations that have come down to us, is never straightforward. Thus Simons, after having carefully tried to pin down the location of Tobit’s hometown, expresses “... surprise that [Thisbe’s] name, though sharing in the fame of Tobit, has left no trace whatever in the narrowly described area where it is said to have existed (teitabă, 5-6 kms NW of Safad is the only but very improbable candidate)”. No wonder that Tobit had to go into detail regarding the location of his own town! The fact that there is no site between Kedesh and Hazor that has a name anything like “Thisbe” encourages me to look for Tobit’s “Thisbe” also in Transjordanian Batanaea. Whilst Naphtalian territory was, as I have said, definitely located mainly to the west of the Lake of Galilee, some part of that territory apparently lay also in Transjordania. For example, we are told that one of Naphtali’s cities was the famous stronghold of Edrei (Joshua 19:36), which had been in the time of Moses a fortified city of the giant king, Og, of Bashan (or Batanaea) (Numbers 21:34). Now, as we learned earlier, Job’s homeland lay between this Edrei and the town of Nawâ. With this in mind, let us see if we can find in the Transjordanian region traditionally belonging to Job any place whose name resembles “Thisbe”; and, once found, whether that place fits the geographical indicators as provided by Tobit. We saw previously, following Delitzsch, that the total “region which tradition calls the home of Job embraced “the communities of Sahm, Tell Shihâb, Tesil, Nawâ, and Sa’dîje ...”. Of these, only Tesil (or Thesil) sounds anything like “Thisbe”. Another name for Tesil is “Tharsila”. Delitzsch wrote of his brief visit to Tesil: I came with my cortége out of Gôlân [Heights], to see the remarkable pilgrim fair of Muzérib, just when the Mecca caravan was expected; and since the Monastery of Job ... could not lie far out of the way, I determined to seek it out .... In the evening of the 8th of May [*] we came to Tesil. Here the Monastery was for the first time pointed out to us. It was lighted up by the rays of the setting sun, - a stately ruin, which lay in the distance a good hour towards the east. The following morning we left Tesil .... [*] I actually first read this on an 8th of May. Muzerib lies right on the “caravan” route to which Delitzsch alludes. In mediaeval times Muzerib was a famous meeting place for caravans, where the meetings were celebrated with a great fair. Muzerib lay along that wellworn highway leading northwards to Damascus and beyond, and southwards to Mecca (the Hajj road). But the road also branched off across the Jordan below Galilee. The road was known as “The King’s Highway” (Numbers 20:17). Tobit indicates that “Thisbe” was “west of the road, toward the going down of the sun”, and Simons (op. cit., p. 401) has indeed identified Tobit’s “road” here as “the highway leading from Damascus through Galilee to the Mediterranean Sea and further down to Egypt”. (Cf. Deuteronomy 11:30). Now Tesil was not actually on this major road. But Nawâ was. The reader, with access to maps, might like to imagine a road running down from Damascus, through Nawâ, to Muzerib. Tesil actually lay a bit to the west of this main road. Thus Tobit’s description of “Thisbe” as being “west of the road” - another version has “behind the road” - would be an equally accurate description, so it seems to me, for Tesil. In a Batanaean context this of course can no longer apply to the city of Hazor west of the Jordan. I suggest that “Asher” was the “Jazer” of Numbers 32:35, which the renowned Mediaeval Jewish topographer, Estôri ha-Parchi (in “Caftor wa-ferach”, 1322 AD), called Zora’, and which he located as the home of Job, one hour south of “Nebo” (that is, “Nawâ” in Batanaea). Now, since Eusebius claimed that “Ashtaroth Karnaim” was the home of Job, and since the latter is only a bit more than 5 kilometres south of Nawâ, it seems likely that “Jazer” (or Zora’) is the same place as “Ashtaroth Karnaim”, and that this site was indeed the home of Job. The “left” usually refers to the north. Other versions have, instead of “Shephat”, “Phogor”, or “Rephaim”. There is a “Raphana” in the vicinity of Batanaea, and it is indeed north (actually northeast) of Tesil (Tharsila). “Raphana”, or “Rephaim” is probably just another name for “Shephat”, also known as “Shepham” (e.g., as given in my computerised Logos Bible Atlas). So, since Tesil fits well geographically as “Thisbe” in regard to its having a “Jazer” (or Zora’) in the south, a “Rephaim” approximately north, and to its being “behind” (or to the west of) the main highway, I conclude that Tesil was most probably Tobit’s home town of “Thisbe”. Job himself though, apparently, did not dwell in “Thisbe” as his father had done. Instead, he dwelt in nearby “Ashtaroth Karnaim”; but his pasturage included “Thisbe” (as Tesil). I further conclude that Tobit had indeed sent his son Tobias back to the very region from which the family had originated. But because the young man may have been only a baby at the time of the captivity, he could not remember anything about it, and so could say to his father whilst still in Nineveh: “... nor did I ever know the way which leads to [Midian]” (Tobit 5:2). Before leaving the subject of “Thisbe”, there is just one final point that I should like to ponder. Was Tobit’s “Thisbe” also the same place as the home of the prophet Elijah: namely, “Tishbe in Gilead”? (I Kings 17:1). Quite possibly it was; for northern Gilead is sometimes identified with the region of Batanaea. There are several reasons why I think it more likely that Tobit intended Calah (modern Nimrud), rather than Nineveh itself (modern Kûjûnjik), when he used the word “Nineveh”. Firstly, there is no qualifying scriptural evidence that the Assyrians deported the tribes of Israel to the classical Nineveh. In II Kings we learn that the places wherein the Assyrians relocated the people of Israel were: “Halah and Habor by the river of Gozan, in the cities of the Medes” (17:6). This Halah, about whose location commentators are uncertain, sounds very much to me like Calah (Assyrian Kalhu). The fact that Halah is mentioned first in the above list would be appropriate if it really did represent one of Assyria’s great capital cities. Secondly, when the Bible qualifies “Nineveh” with the phrase, “the great city”, it is referring to, not one, but four cities closely linked (cf. Genesis 10:11). One of these four is Calah. A comparison of Tobit with the Book of Jonah suggests that Tobit may well have intended “the great city”, not just Nineveh on its own (cf. Tobit 14:8 and Jonah 1:2). Having found appropriate geographical locations for all of the major place-names in the books of Tobit and Job, I shall now conclude what has been a difficult and challenging chapter by briefly tracing the travels of Tobias in the revised context: The family was taken into captivity from “Thisbe” [Tesil], to “Nineveh” [Calah]. Later, young Tobias was accompanied by the angel Raphael from “Nineveh” [Calah], travelling westwards across the Tigris River, past “Charan” [Haran], into “the land of Media” [Midian], to “Ecbatana” [Batanaea, a region settled by “Uz”]. Whilst Tobias was in “Ecbatana” with his bride, the angel went on to “Rages” [Damascus] in “the mountain of Ecbatana” [Mount Hermon] - a journey of “two full davs” - to collect the money from Gabael. After the death of his parents, Tobias fled “Nineveh” [Calah] and returned to “Ecbatana” [Batanaea or “the land of Uz"], and settled down in that province, probably at “Ashtaroth Karnaim”. He ended his days in Batanaea and was buried there. What is said to be the holy man’s tomb stands there to this day, not far from “Ashtaroth Karnaim”. Job’s wife, Sarah, most likely died not long after her husband’s (and indeed her own) fiery ordeal, because she is not mentioned at the end of the story. As suggested to me by a colleague, the children generated by Job’s and Sarah’s original ten - that is, the first batch of grandchildren - are not said to have been destroyed along with their parents. They may well have been living in houses of their own - or working elsewhere in Job’s extensive pasturage - at the time that the disasters occurred. It makes sense to accept that Job had already seen two of these “four generations” even before personal tragedy had struck him. Afterwards, he saw another two generations. These “four generations” in total all belonged to him and to Sarah. The new batch of ten children may have been a separate issue altogether. Conclusion Without doubt, Job was not an Edomite sheikh, but a true Israelite from the tribe of Naphtali. He was Tobias, the only son of Tobit and Anna. Easter 2012 (“He is Risen!”) Further recommended reading: Tobit may have been King Shalmaneser’s Rab Ekalli (7) Tobit may have been King Shalmaneser's Rab Ekalli | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Sargon II and Sennacherib: More than just an overlap (6) Sargon II and Sennacherib: More than just an overlap | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Tobit’s nephew, Ahikar, carelessly projected into Islamic Golden Age. Part Two (7) Tobit’s nephew, Ahikar, carelessly projected into Islamic Golden Age. Part Two | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Habakkuk’s hair-raising flight to Babylon https://www.academia.edu/114966620/Habakkuks_hair_raising_flight_to_Babylon Haggai as Job late in his life? https://www.academia.edu/113604404/Haggai_as_Job_late_in_his_lifeElihu Young Elihu in the Book of Job corrects the ‘wisdom’ of the aged https://www.academia.edu/63511809/Young_Elihu_in_the_Book_of_Job_corrects_the_wisdom_of_the_aged